HRH Fon Kum Achuo II
HRH Fon Kum Achuo II of Esu was aggressively apprehended without warning and interrogated by the Assistant Commander of the 25th Motorised Infantry Battalion in Wum,Menvhum Division in the NorthWest Region on the 15 th ofJuly 2016.
Accompanied by 8 soldiers all in uniforms,the company commander whisked off the Fon into a storage room of Mr Heison’s shop located at Total Roundabout.

According to our source,The soldiers of the Cameroonian army claimed that information has reached them that some Esu elites and the Fon have put in place a group in Nigeria to come into Cameroon and attack the army stationed in Esu.

Alafnet.com source says HRH Fon of Esu was in Wum to attend a political meeting and has stop at one Mr Joe Kum’s garage to repair his car when the soldiers suddenly arrested him.

This reporter is aware that during the interogations the Fon strongly denied knowing any such plans and wondered if at all they ever existed and he further debrunk it saying it made no sense because Nigeria, Cameroon like all countries in the sub-region closely watching their borders given the current threats of terrorism posed by Boko haram islamic sect.In another attempt to find a reason to arrest the Fon of Esu. On Monday 11th July 2016, in a desperate attempt to implicate the Fon of Esu, Sale Umaru, the manager of Elba Ranch, Esu, travelled to the Bamenda Central Prison where he presented a document to the 5 Esu youth leaders in detention to sign. The document stated that the Fon of Esu ordered them to burn down properties of Elba Ranch. The youth leaders refused to sign the fabricated accusation aimed at implicating their traditional leader for a crime he did not commit.

In a pure CPDM arranged plot,Sale Umaru the branch manager of visited the youths in prison with thier concent and in the absence of their lawyer to submit a false complaint that led to their arrest and detention.

This yet another attempt to find a reason to arrest the Fon of Esu and those opposed to the land grab so as to forcefully expropriate their land.This new allegstion comes in the same week after his failed attempt to implicate the Fon using the youth leaders.

Esuans in the diaspora and within Cameroon contacted by this publication have denied knowledge of any such plans to attack the milary base to.

The Esu diaspora futher calls on the administration and law enforcement to help protect the law abbiding people of Esu from all forms of harassment, insults, intimation and the corrupt practices that are being used to divide the land of Esu.

Mr. Chairman of Conference,

Distinguished Parliamentarians for Self- Determination,

Honourable Members of the House of Lords and House of Commons

Ladies and Gentlemen

Introduction

The SCNC leadership, on behalf of the people of the former UN Trust territory of Southern Cameroons under UK Administration, is grateful to be here once more to cry to the British Government and people and the international community at large for their rights to self-determination and national sovereign existence. To our friends Parliamentarians for Self-Determination who are working for justice and the rule of law for all peoples we heartily congratulate you for selfless service to humanity and pray that you remain steadfast and intensify your efforts for world peace based on justice.

 

The British Southern Cameroons Question will remain a recurrent issue until UK, as the Administering Authority or the trustee, and the UN, as the trustor, summon the necessary political will and from a legal frame of mind, as defined by the UN Charter, other international instruments and in respect of the will of the people of British Southern Cameroons, adopt a road map for a permanent solution.

On the strength of the incontrovertible facts before us all, it’s self evident that British Southern Cameroons is a victim of botched decolonisation in 1961. Both the UN Charter, as the supreme law of all humanity and the Trusteeship Agreement were disregarded. Through external manipulation and building of political hurdles the right to self-determination was denied the people of British Southern Cameroons. To this effect a plebiscite was imposed with two obnoxious questions denying the people their inherent right to sovereign independence.

Prime Minister J. N Foncha who won the 1959 general elections on the platform of secession from Nigeria wanted that Southern Cameroons should of right attain independence as prescribed by the UN Charter and the Trusteeship Agreement. In addressing the powerful 4^th Committee of the UNGA on September 24, 1959, he said “Any attempt to force us gain independence in a way that does not accord with our wishes would tantamount to a breach of the UN Charter and a violation of our fundamental human rights.” It is bewildering that HM Government failed to understand, respect and defend manifest will of the people of British Southern Cameroons as enshrined in the UN Charter.

But we all know that:

• The right to national self-determination is an inherent right of any people and dependent territory defined by colonial treaties.
• They are no preconditions attached.
• This right is not only inherent, it is equally permanent.
• This inherent right becomes more active when the people are subjected to foreign domination and alien rule and that when repression is intensified and prolonged it can ignite revolt in the oppressed. This is natural for each people are entitled to their rightful place within the family of the human race in order to make their just contribution for a better world and greater humanity.

As bad as the failure to respect the UN Charter and Trusteeship Agreement was/is, the situation was made worse by non-implementation of UNGA Resolution 1608 of April 21, 1961. This landmark resolution was adopted for the holding of a post plebiscite conference – a tripartite – between the Government of British Southern Cameroons, la Republique du Cameroun, and UK as the Administering Authority to finalise arrangements for the formation of the UN-envisioned FEDERAL UNITED CAMEROON REPUBLIC. The formation of this federal union of two states Equal in Status was to take place under international supervision with UK playing a key rule as the Trustee with the moral and legal duty of reporting to the UN. British Southern Cameroons was not to be abandoned at the mercy of la Republique du Cameroun nor was British Southern Cameroons to be handed to la Republique du Cameroun as a gift for annexation and military occupation.

Botched Decolonisation Facilitated Annexation

La Republique du Cameroun’s hidden plot to annex British Southern Cameroons was hatched when the plebiscite vote went in favour of “independence by joining” la Republique du Cameroun. This was clearly demonstrated before the UN as follows;

1. At the 4^th Committee of the UNGA on April 19, 1961 la Republique du Cameroun, France and all French-speaking Africa, except Mali, staged a walkout when they failed to block the vote for the independence of British Southern Cameroons. UK with 49 other nations, USA, USSR, Nigeria, inclusive, voted overwhelmingly “YES” and 1^st October, 1961 was declared Independence Day of British Southern Cameroons.
2. On April 21, 1961 on the floor of the UNGA, la Republique du Cameroun supported by France and all French-speaking Africa except Mali, voted against UNGA Resolution 1608. This certainly blocked implementation for the Tripartite Conference couldn’t hold without one of the key players, la Republique du Cameroun. By voting against this landmark resolution la Republique du Cameroun did not only reject forming a federal union of two states Equal in Status with British Southern Cameroons, it clearly exhibited its imperial annexationist fangs.

Unfortunately, la Republique du Cameroun’s display of annexationist tendency on the floor of the UN failed to attract appropriate action in defence of British Southern Cameroons right to national self-existence. This is what has led some authorities on the British Southern Cameroons decolonisation to conclude that, this UN Trust territory in which the Westminster Parliamentary system functioned so well (witnessed peaceful transfer of power in February 1959) for a long period in colonial Africa was simply betrayed.

Warnings Unheeded

It needs be recalled that prior to this imperialistic posturing exhibited by la Republique du Cameroun at the UN in 1961, other authorities had warned that British Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun were completely incompatible, consequently can’t coexist under one national polity. HRH Fon Achirimbi speaking for the Natural Rulers at the Mamfe Plebiscite Conference in 1959, opined that Nigeria is deep “Water” and French Cameroun is “FIRE” and declared, “Sir, I support secession without unification.” i.e. to say they favoured secession and sovereign independence for their nation.

On Oct. 6, 1959 the US Ambassador, H. E Clement J Zabloiski contributing to debate on the political future of British Southern Cameroons, congratulated the people for attaining self-government. Opposed to the idea of unification declared “The results of a hurried choice imposed on the population of the Trust territory would be catastrophic for their political future.”

And in the British House of Commons G.M Thomson (MP) (later Lord) on 1^st August 1961, said, “The problem of uniting these two territories would in any event be difficult. There are two territories of completely different cultures with different political systems… there are extremely complex problems in bringing these two countries together within one national state.” He concluded, “I therefore raise the matter because we in the House are concerned with the good name and reputation of the Government in administering this kind of trusteeship territory”.(emphasis, mine).

To justify “independence by joining “ either Nigeria or la Republique du Cameroun, UK as the Administering Authority argued that British Southern Cameroons was small and economically unviable. But interestingly while denying British Southern Cameroons with an area of 43,000 sq km, population of about a million and a variety of mineral and natural resources and wide variety of food and cash crops with the CDC at the head, Kuwait, a British colony, with an area of 17,818 sq km and then population of less than 300,000 inhabitants, a sandy barren territory though blessed with large deposits of oil, was granted independence on June 19, 1961. However on December 14, 1960 UN amplifying the right to self-determination of all peoples as enshrined in the Charter, adopted Resolution 1514 which makes independence the inherent right of all dependent territories: neither size, nor lack of economic or educational preparedness was/is to serve as condition for delaying the people’s right to sovereign independence for their enjoyment and exercise of complete freedom. This landmark resolution for universal application was adopted some three months before the ill-fated UN Plebiscite of 11 February 1961. British Southern Cameroons currently with population of more than five million is more populous than 60 UN Member Nations, 18 AU Member nations, and 30 Commonwealth Member nations. And with an area of 43,000 km² it is larger than 12 AU Member States and 30 UN Member Nations.

CONSEQUENCES OF ANNEXATION AND MILITARY OCCPATION

From the founding of the League of Nations in 1922 and the UN in 1945, this territory was firmly under international instruments and obligation. It was protected against annexation.

An annexed people live under despicable circumstances worse than a colonised people. A territory under annexation is under a constant reign of terror and with the policy of divide and rule the people are kept weak, decapitated and submissive. The imperial dream is to perpetually keep the people subjugated.  While colonised territories are recognised and enjoy some protection under international system, the annexed enjoy no such international visibility.

The consequences of annexation are not far to seek. They are political, economic, cultural, legal/judicial and psychological. The annexed are ruled by an evil mind to decapitate the territory and people – body, mind and soul perpetually for the glory, prestige and splendour of the annexationist state. It is for this reason that the UN declares annexation a crime against humanity and a threat to world peace.

What we have suffered since the 1961 botched decolonisation that facilitated annexation can be summarised as follows:

1. The Southern Cameroons, a UN Trust Territory under UK Administration lost its international standing and protection. The territory has been balkanised into two provinces and sunk into the territory of la Republique du Cameroun. While every other UN Trust territory and colony on the African continent emerged into sovereign independence with a seat at the UN, British Southern Cameroons is the only trust in recorded history annexed by another former UN Trust territory, namely, Cameroun under French Administration.
2. Under British Trusteeship Indirect Rule, in which the indigenous political system was respected and the Natural Rulers under the Native Authority system participated in governance, annexation has imposed direct rule in which the venerated Natural Rulers of yesteryear have become subjects of the Francophone proconsuls to be seen and instructed only. One painful consequence of this is direct interference and imposition for self interest and grabbing of choice lands by the proconsuls and their political elites thus depriving the poor large chunks of ancestral lands. This facilitates population dilution. The poor are weak and powerless.
3. Incredibly, British Southern Cameroons which attained self-government in 1954 three years before French Cameroun, adopted Westminster Parliamentary democracy, the rule of law, conducted free and fair elections, is today ruled by foreign proconsuls. By Presidential decree of the Yaounde state backed by crack down occupation force, the Buea Parliament and Government and all state institutions were abolished.
4. One of the immediate consequences of annexation was the loss of preferential treatment which British Southern Cameroons enjoyed with Britain and the Commonwealth. Britain and the Commonwealth nations used to be the main trading partners and consumed the highest portion of our banana, palm produce, tea, among others. Annexation dragged us, like a sacrificial lamb, into the Franc zone and French established trading partners without rights to market our produce but without a choice to accept their expensive goods which many described as inferior.
5. Intensified repression and persecution in different forms and across the territory is the constitution that rules this former British Trust territory that was a shining example of Westminster style parliamentary democracy in Africa.
6. To erase the British heritage which we cherish and are proud to preserve and promote cultural assimilation through Francophonisation and despoliation is tacitly sponsored by the Yaounde state. Bilingualism is a deceit. It is euphemism for Francophonisation.
7. The Anglo Saxon educational system and the Common Law heritage which emphasises the dignity of man are under serious attack and are being eroded. The Napoleonic civil code is being imposed to replace the Common law. To Yaounde Cameroun is one and indivisible.
8. As it is a crime to wear even a T-shirt with the map and inscription of British Southern Cameroons, so have we as a people lost our identity and inherent right to our natural resources and wealth which are being plundered for the development of la Republique du Cameroun and prestige and grandeur of the powers that be and France their master. Is it not heart breaking to learn that petrol tapped from British Southern Cameroons soil is more expensive in the territory than anywhere else in la Republique du Cameroun territory? Is it not revolting to hear that though SONARA (French acronym) is located in the sea port town of Victoria (changed by Yaounde to Limbe) management is in the hands of Francophone and royalty is paid but to Douala City Council? This is just a tip of the iceberg.
9. To reduce the well endowed British Southern Cameroons to an economic liability and wrongly paint it as dependent territory, all the sea ports, airports, river ports, economic and financial institutions and infrastructure which Southern Cameroons successive governments established, for example, National Produce Marketing Board, Santa Coffee Estate, Powercam, Cam Bank, were by decree closed down. Bereft of industries to employ the growing manpower, Southern Cameroonians suffer from mass unemployment and with repression this has encouraged mass exodus of the youths. Foreign investors are discouraged from investing in British Southern Cameroons which has no good roads. To move from the north to the south and vice versa, one is bound to traverse two provinces of la Republique du Cameroun territory.
10. With annexation by la Republique du Cameroun, the people of British Southern Cameroons have been disenfranchised. Though the Yaounde regime has some three hundred political parties on its register there is no democracy: Cameroun is a one-party dictatorship ruled by an ethnic oligarchy. The stark difference and our love of democracy is self-eloquent in the fact that between 1954 and 1960 British Southern Cameroons had two Prime Ministers, democratically elected. But since 1958 la Republique du Cameroun has had only two leaders who rule and reign. As an annexed people the few in President Biya’s government and parliament do not represent the will and supreme interest of the British Southern Cameroons nation and people. They have no voice. Freedom and sovereign independence under UN Charter and international instruments through external self-determination is what the people want. This is to correct the error of 1961.

JUSTIFICATION FOR RESTORATION

The warnings made against “independence by joining” la Republique du Cameroun have come to pass. As demonstrated on the floor of the UN twice in April 1961, la Republique du Cameroun’s determination of annexing British Southern Cameroons has been fulfilled. It has been reduced to two Provinces of its territory ruled by proconsuls. To decapitate the people and keep them perpetually weak and subservient, military repression and kale kales as happened recently in Wum are constant. In spite of these Machiavellian tactics, the annexationist regime is faced with stubborn resistance of a people who are proud of their identity and determined to maintain their cherished values, their belief in the dignity of man and their “English way of life”. If they are being repressed, maimed, imprisoned and tortured, murdered in cold blood for being proud of their inherent identity and resisting Francophonisation, should the British collaborate with their oppressor? The history of liberation struggle the world over, point to the fact that, the annexed and the oppressed, can never regain freedom and independence without foreign assistance and support.

The UN has declared annexation a crime against humanity and threat to world peace and for this reason UK and USA, for example, led the Gulf War against Iraqi annexation and occupation to restore Kuwaiti sovereignty. This was not intervention in Iraqi internal affairs. We believe, as was with Kuwait in 1990, that the UK owes a moral and legal responsibility to British Southern Cameroons and in this light should use its diplomatic influence and under preventive diplomacy place the British Southern Cameroons right to self-determination on the agenda of the UN. We believe you have a key role to play to bring about the change that is our right without bloodshed that will bring dishonour to the British Crown.

In conclusion, we state without fear of error or contradiction, that HM’s Government did not administer the UN Trust territory of British Southern Cameroons on behalf of France or the UN Trust territory of French Cameroun with a reversionary right. Bound by the UN Charter, the Trusteeship Agreement and good conscience, HM Government under the SACRED TRUST was duty bound to lead this trust territory to sovereign independence.

Thank you most sincerely for your kind attention.

By Nfor Ngala SCNC NATIONAL CHAIRMAN

 

 

The virus that causes this strange killer disease first hit newspaper headlines in 1976 from Sudan and Democratic Republic of Congo. Since then experts maintain they have been 19 outbreaks claiming thousands of lives of the most vulnerable – the poor- in society. But none of these outbreaks has been in British Southern Cameroons or Bamenda.

The worse and most devastating outbreak in history was last year in three West African countries of Liberia, Guinea (Conakry) and Sierra Leone. In these countries more than 11,000 souls were lost with some poor families wiped out or leaving innocent vulnerable orphans. None of these most affected African nations share common boundary with British Southern Cameroons.

It should be recalled that in the fight against this worse killer disease the World Health Organisation (WHO) made it abundantly clear that neither cure nor vaccine has yet been found. To the best of our knowledge WHO which faithfully monitors global health and seeks solutions has not yet made a declaration for a vaccine.

We also firmly believe that had WHO established a vaccine for this killer disease, it will first announce and prior attention will be turned to the three nations – Liberia, Guinea (Conakry) and Sierra Leone. Wherefrom comes the Ebola Vaccine fit for trial only for Bamenda where cases of EBOLAoutbreak have not been reported?

We painfully note and state without fear of contradiction that they have been frantic efforts by Yaoundé to link Bamenda, indeed British Southern Cameroons, with the Boko Haram to the point that some three Police officers were recently exceptionally promoted by Presidential decree and decorated for foiling some terrorist explosions planned for Buea and Bamenda. Yet Boko Haram is claiming innocent lives in the Far North of la Republique du Cameroun and schools in some districts cannot even function. We cannot so soon forget the 1997 so-called terrorist attacks in Kumbo, Bamenda among others. But in spite of the heavy militerisation of the North West Province and Bamenda in particular, not even one terrorist was arrested in action.

In the more than three decade reign of this current Presidential monarchy British Southern Cameroons has witnessed terrible states of emergency and an economic blockade- a real instrument of war against an external enemy. Yet gullible Southern Cameroonians are deceived with crumbs to look up to Yaoundé for self-survival.

We cannot so soon forget the Lake Nyos gas disaster of August 21st 1986 which claimed some 2000 innocent lives in one night, not counting livestock. This was a weapon of mass death, our own taste of the holocaust. To say the least Yaoundé did not give the attention required for a natural disaster that affects a people you care about. To date victims are still languishing not forgetting the disappearance of foreign aid for victims since management was in the hands of the masters in Yaounde who know not Wum let alone Nyos.

But when you compare the treatment and attention given to NsamEfoulam, Yaounde, petrol fire disaster victims who went to steal but got engulfed in the explosion, you get the true picture. While the NsamEfoulam victims received high profile attention as sons of the soil with the Yaoundé Government as their father, the Nyos gas disaster survivors, off springs of nchindas had to survive by the grace and mercy of their Creator. They have no earthly father for Yaoundé killed the Buea Government and state of British Southern Cameroons. We are orphans, the fatherless.

When fire burns you, you run away from wood ash. Be not deceived the Yaoundé authorities do not love the people of Bamenda and British Southern Cameroons.

By this Press Release we call on all citizens of Bamenda in particular and people of British Southern Cameroons to stay away from the so-called Ebola vaccine. You never play games with anything that can cause death. Ebola is a killer disease for the poor and the wretched. Those administering the vaccine, ask if they have they administered it to their family members? Why should Bamenda be the trial ground?

We should know that Bamenda is a transit town; any epidemic that affects Bamenda will spread like wild fire to all.

But why is Bamenda always used for high ground standing for the ruling clique but at the detriment of the people? President Paul Biya has personally been supervising the Bamenda Ring Road for the past 25 years but there is nothing to write home about. The Kumba – Mamfe road which President Ahmadou Ahidjo inaugurated has been in the news since 1970s yet to date remains impassable. Give us the Kumba – Mamfe Road and the Bamenda Ring Road. We do not need the Ebola vaccine!

We are a people with unquestionable inherent sovereign rights to say “NO!” to what is against our supreme interest. Consequently we vehemently and unequivocally reject the so-called Ebola trial vaccine. We are not guinea pigs! What we want is peaceful separation respecting our inherited international boundaries so that we leave as good neighbours.

We therefore call on all Traditional Rulers, Traditional Councils, all Cultural Associations, Youth and Women Associations, the Churches etc. to give the information contained herein the widest circulation possible for the author and giver of life, the Almighty God, gave only one chance to live on planet earth and do his will.

Done in Buea this 17^th Day of November 2015.

 

 

NFOR, N. NFOR

National Chairman (SCNC)

 

CC:

 

• Director General World Health Organization (WHO)
• All Human Rights Organisations
• The UN

This write up  is conditioned and necessitated by the share fact that during this historic book launch on Nov. 27, 2015 the high table in Machiavellian style deleted “Q & A” from the programme and allowed no room for the anxious audience to ask a question or make a comment. Instead the Governor made his remarks and the occasion closed. The shouts from the floor “Questions and Answers” from the floor changed nothing. I had to confront the Chairman Prof. Ndumu on this and reminded him that a book launch is an academic exercise and not a political party affair and could never have ended without opportunity for reaction from the audience. But to my surprise I discovered that he had been as embarrassed at the twisting of things as many of us were.

 

What follows here is twofold.  Firstly what I had to say based on what I gathered from the speakers including the author NfonMukete. Secondly, I want to turn this disappointment into some good to reach the wider audience, most especially those who could not attend for one reason or the other and the greater majority nationwide and beyond, an audience dominated largely by those who never participated in the February 1961 plebiscite but most unfortunately have come to be the gross victims.

May it be known that the issue of Cameroon “unification” or “reunification” is a dangerous bleeding wound on the conscience of all Southern Cameroonians, irrespective of social and political status and standing, and a scar on the conscience of the UK, and the UN in particular and humanity in general until the problem is solved politically and legally in the interest of Southern Cameroonians. Playing games with is like giving a loaded gun to a child in the name of a toy gun to play with among his friends.

 

Though yet to read the book I have every reason to heartily congratulate Senator Nfon V.E. Mukete for this rich legacy he has made available to the younger generation and the future. We thank God Almighty for granting him long life, good health and the vision to record his experiences and vision, rightly or wrongly, for a “unified” Cameroun. We heartily salute him for both the good and bad of yesterday must be known for each generation has it a bounding duty to shape its destiny. Though the past cannot be re-ordered, learning and identifying yesterday’s pitfalls each generation has the will power, good conscience and inherent right to design and shape its future. We believe Senator NfonMukete knows very well that national heroes are those who stand on the edge in time of urgent need and national despair, indeed when the TRUTH, and nothing but the ABSOLUTE TRUTH must be defended for national redemption.

 

The key speakers at the historic launching were Prof. Victor Ngoh, Deputy Vice Chancellor of Bamenda University and Prof. Anthony Ndi, all renowned historians on Cameroon history. They did their job.

 

In his presentation Prof. Ngoh told his audience that by 1959 British Southern Cameroons and French Cameroun were equal. In an eloquent and brief historical recount, he told his keen listeners that on January 1, 1960 French Cameroun became independent. And he asked, an intriguing and rhetorical question, “Where they equal in 1961?”

 

 

By this question, to my mind, Prof. Ngoh wants Southern Cameroonians to understand;

 

1. Why la Republique du Cameroun has annexed, colonially occupied, assimilated and is engaged in mindless and reckless plunder of the economy and natural wealth of British Southern Cameroons.

 

2. Why la Republique du Cameroun ably supported by France and all independent French Africa, except Mali, voted against UNGA Resolution 1608 of April 21, 1961 and its mentor, France, worked hard and prevented the implementation of this land mark resolution?

 

3. Why, la Republique du Cameroun having adopted a hidden agenda of annexing British Southern Cameroons with France and all French independent African nations except Mali vigorously campaigned against a vote for British Southern Cameroons independence in the 4th Committee of the UNGA and failing to obtain majority support, they staged a meaningless walkout? This notwithstanding the house overwhelmingly voted for British Southern Cameroons independence declaring 1st October 1961 INDEPENDENCE DAY.

 

4. Why the government in Buea had to be abolished to make concrete annexation and colonial occupation of the unequal country and facilitate the assimilation of the people.

 

5. Why having annexed Southern Cameroons it has been balkanised into two provinces of la Republique du Cameroun territory ruled by its proconsuls.

 

6. Why the common law is being smouldered by the overbearing weight of the civil law, why bilingualism is euphemism of Frenchification of Southern Cameroonians, and why the inherited Anglo Saxon cultural values, educational system, among others are being vandalised for the grandeur and prestige of Yaoundé and Paris.

 

But we know Prof Ngoh is fully versed with the UN Charter as the constitution of all nations and humanity and that matters dealing with or governing relations between nations and peoples is a matter of law and not sentiments and personal wishes.

 

And we know that the principle of international jurisprudence of utipossedetisjuris and the critical date states that once a dependent territory becomes independent from that moment its inherited colonial boundaries become immutable and inviolable. And this principle is upheld by the AU in its Constitutive Act, Art. 4(b).

 

And above all, we all know that la Republique du Cameroun which became independent on January 1, 1960 is the successor state of the UN Trust territory of French Cameroun and that at independence and after la Republique du Cameroun never laid claims, and could never have, to British Southern Cameroons because this was/is a distinct territory under international law.

 

Discussions at this book launch, may be to justify the writing of and promote the book, gave the impression that “reunification” was so popular in British Southern Cameroons, a kind of the cry of the people.

 

From concrete evidence it is important that the following historical facts are understood.

 

1. That the bottom line of the declaration of “Benevolent Neutrality” in Nigerian politics in 1953 was SECESSION and Dr. Endeley’s KNC won elections leading to the creation of British Southern Cameroons Government with Brigadier Gibbons as Commissioner of British Southern Cameroons on this. Consequently his forming an alliance with Chief ObafemiAwolowo’s AG was like a dog going back to its vomit. This was a bitter pill Southern Cameroonians could not understand let alone swallow.
2. That J.N. Foncha and the KNDP stood firmly for British Southern Cameroons independence and that unification, a second thought, was a matter for negotiation by the future governments of the independent nations concerned. His speech at the UN on this issue bears eloquent testimony. The KNDP position and insistence on dual citizenship and for Southern Cameroons to have its separate army during talks with Ahidjo when the Two Alternatives were imposed speaks volumes as to his shaky faith and distrust of the character of the Yaoundé state.

 

3. That unification was not as popular was self-evident at the Plebiscite Conference of Mamfe in 1959 at which Fon Achirimbi, the great British Southern Cameroons nationalist and patriot speaking on behalf of the Natural Rulers declared that they the custodians of the people and their heritage had abandoned Dr Endeley because he wanted to take British Southern Cameroons to Nigeria and that if Mr Foncha was bent on taking British Southern Cameroons to French Cameroun they would run away from him also. He then concluded, Nigeria is “Water” and French Cameroun is “FIRE” preferring SECESSION without unification.

 

4. That the issue of unification remained an aching tooth even to Foncha and the KNDP throughout. This explains why when at the UN Foncha reluctantly accepted unification after serious pressure and lobbying, the KNDP Government solid foundation almost cracked and there were threats back home in Buea, while the delegation was still at the UN, of replacing Foncha as the leader.

 

5. That when the UN approved the holding of a plebiscite with two obnoxious questions rejecting the preferred alternative, namely, “independence”, P. M. Kale, Chief Stephen Nyenti launched their own political parties and campaigned against the plebiscite and imposed obnoxious questions which denied the people their freedom and independence. But lacking in experience, human and logistic resources they could not do much.

 

6. That what was popular was SECESSIONand not unification for French Cameroun with horrible stories and memories of atrocities and impunities could never have been an attraction for a people living in freedom. Foncha had to duel at length on a loose federation in which Southern Cameroons will have nothing to do with French ways of life and the dreaded gendarme and will continue living and enjoying their English way of life. As Southern Cameroonians voted for SECESSION in 1954 and Endeley formed the first government and when Endeley vacillated on this cherished and burning issue and Foncha continued to champion SECESSION, heand rode to victory in 1959. But UK failed to read and comprehend the Southern Cameroons anger against UK’s policy of administering British Southern Cameroons as part of Nigeria. In 1961 the people with faith in the KNDP SECESSION Charter in 1961 voted to make concrete their cry for SECESSIONto be who they are; Southern Cameroonians in a loose federation of two equal states.

 

7. That this notwithstanding, Kumba Division, NfonMukete’s home division plus Nkambe Division still voted against unification. This proves beyond any reasonable doubt that “reunification” was not as popular as projected at this book launch.

 

8. That unification remained such an aching tooth giving KNDP leadership sleepless nights – they smelt danger – to the point that in November 1960, the Government and the Opposition went to HM Government in London for a mission to the UN to request for a cancellation of the plebiscite and granting of full independence to British Southern Cameroons. This trip to London in November 1960, less than three months to February 11, 1961, speaks volumes and bears eloquent testimony to the effect that the plebiscite and the obnoxious questions were a bitter pill forced down the throat of our political leaders of the day. Even during the plebiscite campaigns ordinary Southern Cameroonians still questioned UN plebiscite officers why the plebiscite was necessary.

 

 

 

 

SOME PERTINENT QUESTIONS.

 

ONE of the messages and that which strengthened my conviction and democratic rights of free expression was from Senator NfonMukete who called on Southern Cameroonians to rise up and speak out. In condemning Francophone imposition, ‘Francophonisation, assimilation, annexation, he defended the existence of two distinct Cameroons, one Anglo Saxon and the other Francophonie and to him “reunification” was not for one to swallow the other but for the good of each and for their collective good.

 

And of course, when the hope of collective good fails or is high jacked by one partner for his exclusive good, what does the other partner do?

 

While believing that NfonMukete in campaigning for “reunification” exercised his democratic rights, the younger generation prayNfonMukete, their father, grandfather and great grandfather to answer these questions for them.

 

1. At the time of the plebiscite campaigns and vote on February 11, 1961 did you as one of the most educated Southern Cameroonian at the time, and the political leaders of the day; know of UN Resolution 1514 of December 1960 which declares colonialism, foreign domination and alien rule a crime against humanity and granting of unconditional independence to all colonies and Trust territories to enable the people enjoy and exercise complete freedom and independence?

 

2. By the time of the so-called Foumban Constitutional talks in July 1961 did you and the KNDP top leadership know that la Republique du Cameroun, France and all independent French speaking Africa except Mali vote against UN Resolution 1608 of April 21, 1961 that prescribed a federal union of two states of equal status and christened the would be new nation FEDERAL UNITED CAMEROON REPUBLIC? And by voting against, did la Republique du Cameroun and her master not reject forming a federal union with Southern Cameroons? If so which “reunification” are we talking about here?

 

3. Having rejected unification as prescribed by the UN in 1961, on what international instrument does la Republique du Cameroun rule Southern Cameroons and on what bases do the few Southern Cameroonians sit in la Republique parliament?

 

4. By October 1, 1961 did you and the top KNDP Leaders know that the UN post plebiscite conference to implement UNGA Resolution 1608 of 21 April, a land mark international instrument to safe guard the identity of and equality in the federal union, had not been implemented?

 

5. Did you or any of the top KNDP LEADERS attend the UC Congress of Ebolowa in 1962 at which President Ahidjo assured his happy audience that in Foumban no new constitution was written and no federation was formed but that the constitution of la Republique du Cameroun of 1960 was amended to absorb Southern Cameroons into the mother country?

 

6. Yes, you exercised your democratic rights to campaign for unification just as Foncha, Muna, Mukong, NdehNtumanza did. The end stand of Foncha, Mukong, among others, is well known and documented. Did the unification you campaigned for or the UN envisioned federal union of two states of equal status take place in 1961?

 

RECOMMENDATION

 

The younger generation – those who were kids when the plebiscite took place and those born after – are highly interested in listening to Senator NfonMukete and reading his book, though the price drives many panting for speech.

 

 

 

 

We pray for this book to be launched all over British Southern Cameroons. To bring it closer to the people the book should be launched in all universities, Polytechnics and Seminaries and in every division and not in CPDM Congress Halls where people and a party, the RDPC, that had nothing to do with the story make cheap political capital. The book is about British Southern Cameroons and the fate of Southern Cameroonians under la Republique du Cameroun colonial yoke and domination consequent upon botched decolonisation in 1961.

 

Your Highness, this recommendation should not be thrown to the dogs. Southern Cameroonians are anxious to hear you, Senator Nfon Victor Mukete, loud and clear and communion with you in 2016 for a permanent solution.

 

 

Done in Buea, this Tuesday 9^th December, 2015

 

 

 

____________________________

NFOR, NGALA NFOR

(National Chairman, SCNC)

15 SEPT. 2015

POLITICAL LEADERS AND ELITES

…………………………………………

…………………………………………..

 

TIME FOR THE RIGHT DECISION IN THE SUPREME INTEREST OF OUR PEOPLE

In your distinguished and selfless efforts to transform this triangle called Cameroun from a bankrupt immoral institutionalised system and one man dictatorship into a democracy abounding in human freedom, press freedom and rule of law, some of you have suffered enormously. The reason is simple. The struggle for democracy, human freedom and rule of law led by Southern Cameroonians in the 1990s was a clash of two fundamental protagonists like light and darkness. Blind to the reality on the ground, we thought we belong as equals, whereas the contrary was/is the case. This explains why those who had the yam and the knife, those with absolute power in their hands did not only impose a military siege with orders to kill the intruders trying to upset the status quo, the intruder was given a brand name, “Les enemies dans la maison” and told to go to where they belong if not satisfied with the dehumanised status they are accorded and crumbs they are allowed to pick from the ground. The message here is crystal clear – the top and decision making is reserved exclusively for the sons of the soil, it is no go zone for the intruder who does not belong. Thus the name Anglophone became “Anglo fool” with “Le Biafrais, le Nigeriane, le secessionists” etc as synonyms. Thus the powerful Vice Prime Minister’s body guard will openly in his office thrash Southern Cameroons MPs for disturbing as if they were naughty primary school kids and in the House of Assembly Hon. Paulinus Jua is told to sit down by a Francophone MP for addressing the House in English.

The warnings given on May 26, 1990 were either not taken serious or they were ignored and the more we pressed on the hard and uncompromising message came in various ways and even from their masters in France whose interest Yaoundé is duty bound to protect and promote.

Thus as if to remind us of Dr Endeley’s prophetic predictions which have all come to pass and declaration that French Cameroun was not independent but a colony of France, consequently British Southern Cameroons shall know no freedom and enjoy no independence if the plebiscite vote favoured joining them, in 1992 the master angry with the intruder, Nchinda, for wishing to sit on the throne, declared ‘an English man can never rule a French Province.” This coming from the final authority, it opened the flood gates for more humiliating statements and abuses with impunity even on our elected members of la Republique Assembly and our political party leaders committed to cleaning the stable for a fairer society.

Not discouraged the number of Southern Cameroonians determined to measure the depth of the muddy waters of rejection continued to swell. And in the 2011 Presidential election, four of the 23 candidates were British Southern Cameroonians. Election results in favour of the incumbent which are always known before the polls came as we had predicted. But what took some by storm was the drama generated by the Prefet of Mfoundi who told the four Anglophone (Southern Cameroonian) candidates – Fru Ndi, Paul Ayah, Kah Wallah and Ben Muna – who over-stayed their welcome in Yaoundé that Yaoundé was not an Anglophone capital so they should quit. The declarations made by Fru Ndi and Paul Ayah are well known to patriotic Southern Cameroonians some who saw their participation in the elections not only as waste of time and energy but more as treachery. They have been watching and listening.

This apart, Fru Ndi’s exploits at the Supreme Court with his old friend Alexis Depanda Mouelle presiding and what took place in Bamenda on his arrival is interesting subject for historians. These notwithstanding the one billion dollar question on the lips of many a Southern Cameroonian is, WHEN IS ENOUGH, ENOUGH?

I believe the greatest tragedy of political leadership is when the individual fails or refuses to read the hand writing on the wall. Or when instead of leading the people he stands against their legitimate aspirations. And you can never lead a people without a clear understanding and in defence of their legitimate aspiration and legal rights. I believe it is problems confronting a people that inspire a man of vision to step out to lead the people attain their desired end. This demands that the leader and the people must work in synergy for a common good. Such a problem demanding a solution can never be outside the history and culture of the people concerned nor can the leader standing outside their history and culture lead the people to their political kingdom so that they live in freedom and happiness.

Since the collapse of the USSR and Yugoslavia, thanks to the politics of identity the dominant inevitable question on the lips of peoples under foreign domination and alien rule has been, “Who are we?” and “Who is not us?” Between 1990 and 1993 alone some twenty three nations restored their sovereign existence and joined UN Membership. The politics of irredentism is only rising for self-determination, having proved itself an engine of progress, has become an unstoppable phenomenon in human history.

The incontrovertible fact of history before us is that this triangle nation is made up of two distinct nations and peoples forced together by intrigues and held by the barrel of the gun, falsehood and decrees. While citizens of la Republique du Cameroun are rightly clamouring for constitutional solution for democratic governance, British Southern Cameroons citizens, based on the facts of history and law are in urgent need of a political solution to end prolonged colonial rule and domination which since 1961 has robbed more salt into an old painful wound than experienced under British rule. And since history, culture, legality sets the two apart as confirmed by their exclusive legitimate aspirations, a leader standing for a common solution will either be leading himself or in his abysmal effort betray one nation and people to the other. The latter position is what the British Southern Cameroonian people have come to suffer since the birth of the struggle for multi-party democracy championed by some British Southern Cameroonians.

Today British Southern Cameroons faces the very political challenges faced in 1959-1961, namely, that of CHOICE between FREEDOM and IDEPENDENCE or perpetual servitude under la Republique du Cameroun.

SOME EVIDENCE AND PAINFUL FACTS OF TARGETED INJUSTICE

1. Out of the close to 300 political parties the SDF is the only that was born in human blood under a military siege.
2. Since the birth of the party Yaoundé has demonstrated in all ways possible that we belong apart – master and servant, the rulers and ruled and that the ruled have no voice.
3. British Southern Cameroons for its ambition to challenge the status quo and change the order of things within a system its citizens have no powers and equal rights has suffered two gruesome states of emergency and an economic blockade that made the people live in hell on earth. No government imposes an economic blockade against its own citizens.
4. After escaping an assassination attempt in Yaoundé in 1993, Fru Ndi and entourage (including self) took refuge at the Dutch Embassy. On the 5th day the French Ambassador visited us, certainly after serious diplomatic lobbying, and granted Fru Ndi “self-exit” from Yaoundé, la Republique du Cameroun to Bamenda, British Southern Cameroons his country. True to point “self-exit” or “self-passage” is never applied to bona fide citizens. It is granted only to foreigners under escorts to get them out. And coming from French Ambassador, the message becomes very explicit?
5. Royalty for petrol and timber from British Southern Cameroons is paid to Douala City Council and Sangmalima council respectively of la Republique du Cameroun. When the Mamfe Chiefs and their nobles protested the exploitation of timber, destruction of the environment without any benefits to the people, they were molested, abused and detained.
6. Though the refinery – SONARA (French acronym) is built in Victoria, management and staffing is dominated by Francophone. Since creation no Southern Cameroonian has ever been a General Manager and the lingua franca there is French.
7. British Southern Cameroons has been balkanized into two provinces and to move from one to the other you must traverse two provinces of la Republique du Cameroun. This is to facilitate assimilation. In its interest Yaoundé plays one against the other and promotes hostility between the two provinces through its paid agents.
8. Ombe Technical College, pride of British Southern Cameroons opened same time with Yaba and Kaduna Polytechnics in Nigeria is now a shadow of its former self. Instead of improving the machines and equipment were carried away by the first Francophone principal.
9. Mutengene, Police College opened by British Southern Cameroons Government in 1958 has been francophonised and is heavily dominated by Francophone staff and students.
10. After 1972 anti-constitutional referendum, seaports, airports, PowerCam, Santa Coffee Estate and other financial and economic institutions established by British Southern Cameroons Government were all closed while CamBank and Produce Marketing Board with a huge stabilization fund were transferred to Yaoundé and Douala respectively. This political action was taken to make British Southern Cameroons economically subservient and entirely dependent on la Republique du Cameroun. There is no similar action that was ever taken in favour of Southern Cameroons.
11. We had to fight to get Buea University. In 2005 though there was a general strike in all state universities, it was only in Buea that gruesome impunities by forces of occupation were inflicted on the unarmed students. The evidence is that we do not belong and our children have no bright future under la Republique du Cameroun because their nation has been made a footstool.
12. In 2006 competitive exam result into the Faculty of Medicine, University of Buea was cancelled and under the pretext of regional balance and la Republique du Cameroun candidates who failed or never wrote were imposed on the list. But regional balance has never been applied in favour of British Southern Cameroons candidates.
13. HTTC Kumba and professional schools of the Bamenda University are flooded with Francophone teachers and students some who cannot communicate in good English. A Francophone on teaching practice entered the class in Bamenda and commanded the student, “Sweep the board!” The student responded, “I don’t have a broom, Sir.” Competitive exams for recruitment are either set in French or are deliberately poorly translated to deny British Southern Cameroons a fair chance.
14. More than 95% of administrative, military, security, lands and surveys, finance institution posts in Southern Cameroons are manned by Francophone thus making French the official language in offices. This facilitates oppression, exploitation and assimilation of the people. National unity and integration is euphemism for consolidation of annexation.
15. As a deliberate step to abolishing the Common Law jurisdiction and imposing the Napoleonic code, the courts in British Southern Cameroons are flooded with Francophone magistrates steeped in the Civil Law system who insist that submissions be made in French. Bilingualism is euphemism for frenchification.

The SCNC is committed to peaceful separation and restoration of the statehood of British Southern Cameroons within its inherited colonial boundaries. There is no legal instrument that binds the two distinct Cameroons which like the two Congos and three Guineas in Africa; each is entitled to national self –existence and sovereign independence. To achieve peaceful separation the solution lies entirely in a common united front. As proven elsewhere it is now established that even modern weapons are no match to the will of a determined people fighting for their freedom against foreign domination and alien rule. Failure to unite now and act positively, we will inevitably be beckoning for genocide and mass graves tomorrow. It is the urgency of finding a permanent solution to the existing unbearable problem that led His Eminence Cardinal Tumi to declare in an interview with Cameroon Journal, Douala, June 29, 2015,  “Yes of course I believe in it.” (the Anglophone problem). “I am sure that if the English speaking part of Cameroon were independent, that area would have been far more developed than what we have today.” And he concluded by saying that if a referendum were conducted today Southern Cameroonians will vote to leave Cameroun.

As political leaders of our beloved nation, it is true that we are a peace-loving and law abiding people. We have never known terrorism in our land. Peace-loving and law abiding people are intolerant of injustice and violence. Law abiding people know and defend their rights and dignity. It is in this light that I call on all Southern Cameroonians to stand against the Islamist Boko Haram terrorists who are mercilessly slaughtering innocent people in the north of la Republique du Cameroun and in Nigeria. We should unite and pray that this evil should stay beyond our borders and that the perpetrators should either surrender or be crushed where they are.  We are concerned for you are never safe if your neighbour’s house is on fire.

WHY THIS SOLEMN APPEAL

International law has declared annexation illegal and a threat to world peace and crime against humanity. The UN Charter and AU Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights recognise the inherent right of people under foreign domination and alien rule to fight for their freedom and independence.

The AU Charter makes it mandatory for sister African nations to support victims of foreign domination in their legitimate fight for self-determination and independence. It is on the strength of these international instruments that we won the case against Nigeria in 2002 and the land mark ruling by the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) Banjul in Communication 266/2003 in 2009. The AU Summit in its Assembly of Libya approved this ruling and called for Constructive Dialogue under the Good Offices of the Commission.  But Yaoundé, as an imperial power guilty under international law, has flouted the ruling with impunity. No one will mourn the death of your beloved mother better than you the bereaved.

It is equally important I remind you that though we have been arrested, tortured, detained, some murdered in cold blood for standing up for a just cause, and many several times have been charged to court, Yaoundé has never won a case against British Southern Cameroonians. Our case is very clean, just, legitimate and firmly anchored on international law. What is required of us is a united front and in solidarity to restore our statehood. Yaoundé had no right, moral, legal, cultural or historical to, by decree; abolish the British Southern Cameroons Government in Buea in 1972. Neither the government of la Republique du Cameroun nor its citizens had a hand in the formation of that government. It was an imperial illegal act. And no one, but Southern Cameroonians, has the right and duty to restore it. By its restoration, constitutional democracy, freedom, rule of law and equality before the law, multi- party democracy and healthy competition in which the will of the people through the ballot box will be respected. The Chief Justice hands shall never be tied by whomever. British Southern Cameroons was a shining example of Westminster parliamentary democracy in colonial Africa experiencing peaceful change of government in 1959. This will be improved upon.

To end our slavery under la Republique du Cameroun peacefully, the solution lies in unity and speaking with one voice. As a leader you cannot afford to be silent. We must not allow the enemy to, at will, continue to exploit our patience and play one against the other. British Southern Cameroons is one and indivisible.

We must unit for the change we most need, change that will lift us out of the abyss of annexation, prolonged colonial domination and foreign rule and mindless exploitation that keeps us in mass poverty in the midst of plenty.

Our nonviolent struggle is not to create a new nation; it is to restore a nation that exists in law. It is in this light that I urge you to revive your patriotic spirit and that the commemoration of the 54^th anniversary of our confiscated independence, 1st October 2015 should be with new dynamism and resolve of all leaders and active forces to unite for the new dawn and permanent solution to our servitude.

As the people’s Messenger I am compelled to bring this to your high and kind attention. Let it not be said you did not know. Any generation that fails to confront and solve the problems that deny it its rightful place in history betrays itself and pushes its descendants into servitude.

You can’t afford to stand against the tide of progressive history.

 

SOUTHERN CAMEROONS FOR SOUTHERN CAMEROONIANS

 

A PERPETUAL INJUNCTION restraining the Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria whether by herself, her servants, agents and/or representatives or otherwise howsoever from treating or continuing to treat or regard the Southern Cameroons and the peoples of the territory as an integral part of la Republique du Cameroun (Republic of Cameroun).” Abuja Federal High Court Ruling. March 5th 2002.

 

Art. 179 of the ACHPR Ruling on Communication 266/2003 states “The people of Southern Cameroons” qualify to be referred to as a “people” because they manifest numerous characteristics and affinities, which include a common history, linguistic tradition, territorial connection and political outlook. More importantly they identify themselves as a people with separate and distinct identity. Identity is an innate characteristic within a people. It is up to other external people, (e.g. la Republique du Cameroun) to recognise such existence, but not to deny it”.

“I, President Paul Biya of the Republic of Cameroon, do hereby commit myself and my Government to, in a bid to bringing a lasting solution to the Bakassi conflict, fully respect the territorial boundaries as obtained at independence of my country” UNSG, Koffi Annan & President Paul Biya, signed declaration.

My Lords Temporal

Your Majesty,

I write in appreciation of your role and contribution to, in the face of all odds, maintain unity and peace among your people. I pray God to endow you with Solomonic wisdom, good health and a prosperous reign.

My last communication to you drew your high attention to affirmation by historians and constitutional experts of la Republique du Cameroun that there is no legal instrument binding British Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun as one nation under international law. This implies that what makes the distinction is not the fact that English is the official language in British Southern Cameroons while French is in la Republique du Cameroun but the 1916 and 1919 Anglo- French Agreements, 1939 Anglo-French Boundary Treaty and the separate Trusteeship Agreements of 1946. Working for peaceful coexistence the AU adopted the Constitutive Act, (Art. 4b) which states that colonial boundaries inherited at independence remain unchanged and permanent. La Republique du Cameroun is signatory to the AU Charter which by its Constitutive Act upholds the principle of international jurisprudence of uti possedetis juris and the critical date. La Republique du Cameroun gained independence from France on Jan. 1, 1960 as the successor state of French Cameroun and joined UN Membership in September of same year. In addition to the historical, cultural and legal differences, these international instruments make it an unarguable fact of law that in Africa there are two distinct Cameroons each entitled to national self- existence and sovereign independence.

This is what the SCNC has been preaching and defending and as rulers of what the UN calls the “first nations” amalgamated by colonial rule, you are better placed to understand, appreciate and defend this truth and fact of law. The SCNC has taken the annexation and colonial occupation and the cry of our people for freedom and independence to the United Nations, European Union, African Union, the Commonwealth and some nations. Both at home and abroad la Republique du Cameroun has lost all legal battles pursued and defended on behalf of British Southern Cameroons people. These land mark achievements you know, should know, give your blessings to and defend.

For the United Nations and international community to take us serious and come to our assistance and right the wrong of 1961 we must be united and speak with one voice.

It is in this light, Your Majesty that I salute and commend the South West Chiefs for the Resolutions adopted at their last conference. They were timely and have been hailed by all British Southern Cameroonians.

Equally to be appreciated is earlier positions adopted and transmitted to President Paul Biya by NWEFU in which they, in recognition and defense of the facts briefly stated above, called for dialogue to resolve the political conflict.

All these laudable moves by you, the Fathers of British Southern Cameroons nation only remind us of the unanimous role of your predecessor in 1953 and 1959. In 1953 their patriotic and nationalistic support for the declaration of Benevolent Neutrality in Nigerian politics which the UK Government as the Administering Authority recognized our legitimate and legal rights forced the British Government to approve Self-Government for British Southern Cameroons. And in recognition of your role and contribution to the building of British Southern Cameroons nation in 1957, the House of Chiefs was constitutionally created. Then in 1959 at the Mamfe plebiscite conference, the Natural Rulers, as custodians, through your spokesman Fon Achirimbi of Bafut, the Fathers of British Southern Cameroons nation, firmly supported secession from Nigeria and independence arguing that unification with French Cameroun was tantamount to entering “FIRE.” Has the prediction not come true?

When the third alternative was rejected and “independence by joining” was imposed, two Natural Rulers, Chief Stephen Nyenti and Chief Manga Williams, like P. M. Kale, formed political parties and campaigned against the holding of a plebiscite. Remaining consistent with the Mamfe position they favoured sovereign independence and Chief Nyenti’s party in a resolution declared that never shall a foreign flag be hoisted on Southern Cameroons soil.

Cognisant and proud of the significant role Natural Rulers individually and collectively played in a democratic and free British Southern Cameroons we look forward to the unity of the Fathers of our nation as it was in the good old days. Today British Southern Cameroons faces the very political challenges faced in 1959-1961, namely, that of CHOICE between FREEDOM and IDEPENDENCE or perpetual servitude under la Republique du Cameroun. La Republique du Cameroun plays the politics of divide and rule. Envious of your unifying role Yaoundé applies this policy to keep you, the Natural Rulers divided and weakened and through their PROCONSULS- Prefets, as the SWCC Resolution admit, make you irrelevant. This is to sustain annexation for the prestige and grandeur of la Republique and economic prosperity of France while your people endowed by God with abundant natural resources wallow in mass poverty, misery and lead short and brutish life.

SOME INJUSTICES WE HAVE SUFFERED AND ARE SUFFERING

1. You the Natural Rulers have lost the highly venerated position of honour and influence you enjoyed and exercised within your people, British Southern Cameroons nation and government. You are simply known as auxiliary of imposed (French) administration and the Prefet is your boss. First class chiefs among you will tell you that what they receive is nothing compared with what their counterparts in la Republique receive.
2. Royalty for petrol and timber from British Southern Cameroons is paid to Douala City Council and Sangmalima council respectively of la Republique du Cameroun. When the Mamfe Chiefs and their nobles protested the exploitation of timber, destruction of the environment without any benefits to the people, they were molested, abused and detained.
3. Though the refinery – SONARA (French acronym) is built in Victoria, management and staffing is dominated by Francophone. Since creation no Southern Cameroonian has ever been a General Manager and the lingua franca there is French.
4. British Southern Cameroons Government was abolished by Presidential Decree in 1972. This facilitated annexation and colonial rule. In a nation the government serves as father and defender of the people’s interest. We have no government. We are stateless, oppressed, nakedly exploited and treated like a conquered people.
5. No political party in this country was launched under bloodshed but the SDF in Bamenda.
6. British Southern Cameroons has been balkanized into two provinces and to move from one to the other you must traverse two provinces of la Republique du Cameroun. This is to facilitate assimilation. In its interest Yaoundé plays one against the other and promotes hostility between the two provinces through its paid agents.
7. British Southern Cameroons has been subjected to two states of emergency and an economic blockade. Economic blockade is an instrument of war and no government ever does that to its people to whom it is accountable. But we have suffered all these.
8. Ombe Technical College, pride of British Southern Cameroons opened same time with Yaba and Kaduna Polytechnics in Nigeria is now a shadow of its former self. Instead of improving the machines and equipment were carried away by the first Francophone principal.
9. Mutengene, Police College opened by British Southern Cameroons Government in 1958 has been francophonised and is heavily dominated by Francophone staff and students.
10. After 1972 anti-constitutional referendum, seaports, airports, PowerCam, Santa Coffee Estate and other financial and economic institutions established by British Southern Cameroons Government were all closed while CamBank and Produce Marketing Board with a huge stabilization fund were transferred to Yaoundé and Douala respectively. This political action was taken to make British Southern Cameroons economically subservient and entirely dependent on la Republique du Cameroun. There is no similar action that was ever taken in favour of Southern Cameroons.
11. We had to fight to get Buea University. In 2005 though there was a general strike in all state universities, it was only in Buea that gruesome impunities by forces of occupation were inflicted on the unarmed students. The evidence is that we do not belong and our children have no bright future under la Republique du Cameroun because their nation has been made a footstool.
12. In 2006 competitive exam result into the Faculty of Medicine, University of Buea was cancelled and under the pretext of regional balance la Republique du Cameroun candidates who failed or never wrote were imposed on the list. But regional balance has never been applied in favour of British Southern Cameroons candidates.
13. HTTC Kumba and professional schools of the Bamenda University are flooded with Francophone teachers and students some who cannot communicate in good English. A Francophone on teaching practice entered the class in Bamenda and commanded the student, “Sweep the board!” The student responded, “I don’t have a broom, Sir.” Competitive exams for recruitment are either set in French or are deliberately poorly translated to deny British Southern Cameroons a fair chance.
14. More than 95% of administrative, military, security, finance institution posts in Southern Cameroons are manned by Francophone thus making French the official language in offices.
15. As a deliberate step to abolishing the Common Law jurisdiction and imposing the Napoleonic code, the courts in British Southern Cameroons are flooded with Francophone magistrates steeped in the Civil Law system. Bilingualism is euphemism for frenchification.

The SCNC is committed to peaceful separation and restoration of the statehood of British Southern Cameroons within its inherited colonial boundaries. There is no legal instrument that binds the two distinct Cameroons which like the two Congos and three Guineas in Africa; each is entitled to national self –existence and sovereign independence. To achieve peaceful separation the solution lies entirely in a common united front. As proven elsewhere it is now established that even modern weapons are no match to the will of a determined people fighting for their freedom against foreign domination and alien rule. Failure to unite now and act positively, we will inevitably be beckoning for genocide and mass graves which prayers will not solve. It is the urgency of finding a permanent solution to the existing unbearable problem that led His Eminence Cardinal Tumi to declare in an interview with Cameroon Journal, Douala, June 29, 2015,  “Yes of course I believe in it.” (the Anglophone problem). “I am sure that if the English speaking part of Cameroon were independent, that area would have been far more developed than what we have today.” And he concluded by saying that if a referendum were conducted today Southern Cameroonians will vote to leave Cameroun.

 

As Fathers of our beloved nation, it should be recalled that we are a peace-loving and law abiding people. We have never known terrorism in our land. Peace-loving and law abiding people are intolerant of injustice and violence. Law abiding people know and defend their rights and dignity. It is in this light that I commend you for standing against the Islamist Boko Haram terrorists who are mercilessly slaughtering innocent people in the north of la Republique du Cameroun and in Nigeria. We should unite and pray that this evil should stay beyond our borders and that the perpetrators should either surrender or be crushed where they are.  We are concerned for you are never safe if your neighbour’s house is on fire.

WHY THIS SOLEMN APPEAL

International law has declared annexation illegal and a threat to world peace and crime against humanity. The UN Charter and AU Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights recognise the inherent right of people under foreign domination and alien rule to fight for their freedom and independence.

The AU Charter makes it mandatory for sister African nations to support victims of foreign domination in their legitimate fight for independence. It is on the strength of these international instruments that we won the case against Nigeria in 2002 and the land mark ruling by the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) Banjul in Communication 266/2003 in 2009. The AU Summit in its Assembly of Libya approved this ruling and called for Constructive Dialogue under the Good Offices of the Commission.  But Yaoundé, as an imperial power guilty under international law, has flouted the ruling with impunity. No one will mourn the death of your beloved mother more than you the bereaved.

It is equally important I remind you that though we have been arrested, tortured, detained, some murdered in cold blood for standing up for a just cause, and many several times charged to court, Yaoundé has never won a case against British Southern Cameroonians. Our case is very clean, just, legitimate and firmly anchored on international law. What is required of us is a united front and in solidarity to restore our statehood. Yaoundé had no right, moral, legal, cultural or historical to, by decree of a foreign power; abolish the British Southern Cameroons Government in Buea in 1972. Neither the government of la Republique du Cameroun nor its citizens had a hand in the formation of that government. It was an imperial illegal act. And no one, but Southern Cameroonians, has the right and duty to restore it. By its restoration your dignity and highly venerated position destroyed by Yaoundé will be restored fully and your children will forever live in freedom, dignity, prosperity and happiness and in praise of your worthy achievement.

To end our slavery under la Republique du Cameroun peacefully, the solution lies in unity and speaking with one voice. We must not allow the enemy to, at will, continue to exploit our patience and play one against the other. British Southern Cameroons is one and indivisible.

We must unit for the change we most need, change that will lift us out of the abyss of annexation, prolonged colonial domination and foreign rule and mindless exploitation that keeps us in mass poverty in the midst of plenty.

Our nonviolent struggle is not to create a new nation; it is to restore a nation that exists in law. It is in this light that I urge you to revive your patriotic spirit and that the commemoration of the 54^th anniversary of our confiscated independence, 1st October 2015 should be with new dynamism and resolve of all leaders and active forces to unite for the new dawn and permanent solution to our servitude.

 

Your son and faithful messenger of our people,

 

____________________________

NFOR, NGALA NFOR

    (National Chairman, SCNC)