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ANTI-TERRORISM LAW AND ITS USE

ANTI-TERRORISM  LAW AND ITS USE (Case Study   Cameroon
By
Electa Shalo Manyimuchua
In Cameroon  the Oppressive  regime of President Paul  Biya   uses this law  to silence  political  activists  and forced the people into submission .
Under the leadership of president Paul Biya,  of Cameroon continued to use the anti-terrorism law enacted in 2014 to suppress political critics and freedom of expression by arresting journalists and activists in connection with the ongoing crisis in the Anglophone regions.The separatist Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) which is demanding an independent Southern Cameroons made up of Cameroon’s North West and Southwest regions has been targeted under the new law.This law is use to   forbid public meetings, streetprotests or any action that the government deem to be disturbing peace. The law also prescribes death penalty for persons who are suspected of involving in any activity which may trigger political dissent, especially the North West and South West regions.
The Anti-Terrorism law has triggered a wave of criticism from the media and the international community. Many believe that the law is not only intended to silence freedom of the press  or speech, as its hidden intent is to target Southern Cameroonian groups such as Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC), Ambazonian Defence Forces(ADF), Movement for the Restoration of Southern Cameroons (MRSC), Southern Cameroons Governing Council (SCGC), Ambazonian Governing Council (AGovC) andthe Southern Cameroon Public Affairs Committee (SCAPAC) etc.Specifically, the law is  against fundamental liberties and Human Right of the Cameroonians, especially Southern Cameroonian political activists who are clamouringfor the independence of Southern Cameroon alais Ambazonia. The case ofSCNC National chairman Dr Nfor Ngala Nfor, Sissiku Ayuk Tabe, Barrister Agbor, Dr.Fontem Neba, Bibixy Mancho, Ngalim Felix and many other Anglophone activists is an illustration of how the law has been twisted since it was enacted
. This law  twisted  law shows itsnegative impact on Human Rights and Freedom vis-a-vis the exercise of Cameroon military court’s jurisdiction over civilian cases in Cameroon.In October 2019, the government released 333 low-level detainees arrested forsuspicion of being Anglophone separatists and facing misdemeanor charges. This was a charade to taie off some pressure  from the international  communities. However,hundreds of others remain in detention.
 The government continued to arrest ordinary armless civilians and charged them for terriosm especially those from the Southern and Northern regions of the country . In  August 2019, sentenced separatist leader Julius Ayuk Tabe and the Nera 10 to life imprisonment. Other activists such as Bibixy Mancho and Pen Terence are serving a15 years term. You also have the likes of Tsi Conrad  a journalist  who was arrested  in Bamenda  reporting on anti government  protest on the 06/12/016l He  has been incarcerated  in the kondengui  maximum  prison under deplorable  condition , He was  sentenced  for anti state charges (terrorism, secession, rebellion  against the state ,propagation  of false news )
As we speak  thousands of Southern  Cameroonians  activists   of   the   SCNC   and   other groups are incarcerated all over French Cameroon based on the 2014 Anti-Terrorismlaw. Many of them have been sentenced to 13-17 years.
In effect, the  2014  Anti-Terrorism   law  has  significant  deficiencies.  For  instance,   the  offences  that   constitute   “act   of   terrorism”   are   not   clearly   defined  by  the  same  law.“Peaceful protesters have been arrested under terrorism laws and have been labelled terrorists   while   only   exercising   their   unalienable   human   rights.
   Anti-terrorism efforts have been too broad in scope at times, and as a result, the negative effects of terrorism efforts have been felt far too often by civilians.
  One common theme is clear. Terrorism offenses   should   be   narrowly   defined   and   clearly   limited   to   actual   behaviour   that  is related to terrorism. Peaceful protests should be a positive reflection of the democratic values of a country and not wrongly condemned as terrorist acts”.Cameroon has since seen the acts of armed secessionist groups as acts of terrorism and launched several military crackdowns which has resulted to the death of hundreds of civilians.“
Anti-terrorism laws which are ambiguous and lack clarity can negatively impact the enjoyment of human rights. The government of Cameroon’s Law No. 2014/028 of 23rdDecember   2014   on   the   suppression   of   acts   of   terrorism   in   Cameroon   has   raised concerns from policy makers, activists and governments alike. Its potential infringement on important Human Rights and freedoms protected under the Cameroon Constitution and   international   human   rights   law   was   immediately   signalled   by   the   barrage of criticisms   that   followed   its   promulgation.   Contra   Nocendi   International   and   ContraNocendi Cameroon have raised such concerns in the past, especially with respect to the freedom of expression and of assembly. We have equally raised concerns about thepossibility of abuse of the law to silence political opponents leading to disproportionate punishment for the exercise of civil rights and liberties. Persons actually  earns death penalty   for   the   sole   reason   of   exercising   their   freedoms   of   speech,   opinion   and association..Like the four Southern  Cameroonians who were recently condemned  to  death by firing squad in the Buea military  Tribunal.This is so Barbaric   ,inhumane  and degrading.
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FATHERS OF THE AMBAZONIA INDEPENDENCE STRUGGLE

 

By Hatem Johnson

 

 

The injustices suffered by the people of Southern Cameroons as British Colony was officially extended on the eve of October 1961 which was UN mandated date for Southern Cameroons to attain independence. Instead of declaring the Southern Cameroonians independent with a sovereign authority, the Britain handed Southern Cameroons to French Cameroun without due regard to the full implementation of the Resolution UN 1608(XV) on the independence of Southern Cameroons.

 

French Cameroon upon assuming authority over Southern Cameroons, wasted no time in establishing authoritarian rule, abolishing the post of Prime Minister that was assumed by Dr Endeley as the first Prime Minister of Southern Cameroons between 1954-1958 and John Foncha. In 1958-1965, Southern Cameroons became the first country in Africa to have democratic elections that saw the peaceful transfer of power from KNC party of Dr Endeley to KNDP party of John N. Foncha. Apart from abolishing the post of Prime Minister, they equally shutdown the lower and the upper houses of Parliament, dismantling the police force and replacing all Southern Cameroons administrators.

 

French Cameroun under Amadou Ahidjo and Paul Biya – led regimes have since treated Southern Cameroons as if it had been conquered. Faced with these injustices, many Southern Cameroons human rights fighters and independence advocates immediately gained courage from the words of Thomas Jefferson (When injustices become law, resistance becomes duty) and have for decades fought for the independence of Southern Cameroons.

 

The brave Fon Gorji Dinka, founder of the Republic of Ambazonia-1984 and writer of the Ambazonia’s Athem. Albert Mukong consider as Prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International for speaking out about the right to self-determination of the people of Southern Cameroons, Dr Kevin Ngwang Gumne leader of SCAPO in 2006, formally declared the Republic of Ambazonia. Late Mola Njoh Litumbe dreamt of seeing an independent Ambazonia state in his lifetime. In 1995, the SCNC rose to political prominence with a host of efforts to push for independence of Southern Cameroons under leadership Ambassador Henry Fossung, Dr Martin Luma, Dr Chief Ayamba, Frederick Ebong, and Dr Nfor Ngala Nfor, who is sentenced life imprisonment in Yaounde Central Prison since August 2019. Between 1993 and 1994, the charismatic Architects of the All Anglophones Conference (AAC) Dr. Simon Munzu, Barrister Elad Ekongtang and Pr. Carison Anyangwe called for the restoration of the Sovereign State of Southern. This resulted in several arrests and incarceration by French Cameroun’s Biya-led regime.

 

Under President Biya – led regime the French Cameroun enacted in 2014 the Anti-Terrorism law.

The law was intended to target, silence and supress Southern Cameroons defence movements advocating for independence such as the Southern Cameroons  National Council (SCNC) Movement for the Restoration of Southern Cameroons (MRSC), Southern Cameroons Governing Council (SCGC). Ambazonia Governing Council (AGovC) and the Southern Cameroons People Affairs Committee (SCAPAC) etc, that are clamouring for the independence of Southern Cameroons also known as Ambazonia.

 

 

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LEST WE FORGET!!!

Ambazonia is bleeding beyond mass killings.

The Anglophone crisis which debuted in 2016, has escalated over the years with government forces of the Biya regime committing genocidal massacres on an extensive scale. This has significantly contributed to immense and lasting trauma for the people of Southern Cameroons (aka Ambazonia). The Cameroon military are the perpetrators of extrajudicial and targeted killings, summary executions and uncountable massacres in Southern Cameroons. The rate at which the government forces are slaughtering Southern Cameroonians daily has become a potential existential threat. The conflict has seen some of the worst atrocities and crimes against humanity ever spoken of in our times.  

The anglophone conflict is gross futility because for decades, the people had called on the Cameroon government to address their grievances through negotiation and genuine dialogue. Turning down all calls for dialogue and negotiation, the government has now turn around to killing the same people who appealed for talks.  It is a shocking and brutal reality that the government has resorted to systematic genocide as a strategy to silence the voice of self-determination.  

The conflict began in 2016 as a peaceful protest by teachers and lawyers who were calling on the government to amend their working conditions which have been suppressed and marginalised by the dominant civic law system of French Cameroon. These grievances which had accumulated for over 50years of economic, political, and social marginalisation/discrimination attained new heights when the government instead of dialoguing with the civil society resorted to brutal killings of unarmed civilians.

This article attempts to summarize some of the massacres perpetrated by the government forces of Cameroon against the people of Southern Cameroons. It is however, our sole responsible to remember these genocidal massacres that violated international laws and fundamental human rights and continually ask for justice according to international standards. Holding the Cameroon government accountable for genocide is a crucial part of delivering justice to the people of southern Cameroon whose fundamental human rights have been abused and undermined by the over 40 years regime of Paul Biya. Left alone to the defective court proceedings of Cameroon, justice will never be delivered to the victims.

The Ngah-buh massacre

This gruesome killing of at least 21 civilians, 13 of which were children, and a pregnant woman took place on the 14th of February 2020, at Ngah-buh. Ngah-buh is a remote village located in the Donga Mantung division of Southern Cameroons. During the incident, many homes were razed to ashes and some of the bodies were found burned inside their homes. evidence from several national and international reports revealed that government forces stormed the village and started firing down civilians. This was also confirmed by several local eyewitnesses.

Of particular attention is the story of a 32-year-old man who witnessed the dead of his wife and all four children as well. He narrated how his wife was first shot, and one by one the bodies of his four children fell on that of their mother as they were being shot before the home was set ablaze. What a bitter and horrific experience for him

The government directed the blames of the incident to fightings with Ambazonian fighters that led to the explosion of a fuel container. Eyewitness and investigations amongst which include reports from Human Right Watch confirmed the killings were deliberate as there was no fighting between government forces and the fighters of Ambazonia, neither was there explosions of any sort. Difficult to Imagine that after the art, the military warned the villagers of a worser outcome if they continue to shelter fighters from Ambazonia. They accused the villagers of housing Ambazonian fighters but found none during their raids. How inhumane and cruel for the regime to use a genocidal massacre as punishment for unarmed villagers following unfounded accusations of them supporting Ambazonia fighters.

The Kumba massacre

The 24th of October 2020 was a deadly day for school children in Kumba. Government forces attacked the Mother Francisca International Bilingual Academy situated at Fiango Kumba, and gunned down 7 children, 6 of which were girls and a boy. The victims were aged between 10 and 15years.

The military stormed the school in broad daylight and opened fire on children undertaking a class lesson. Obviously, the shooting frightened the rest of the school and in the cause of escape, about 13 other children were injured. The firing blew off the heads of some of the victims.  Brain tissue and blood was filmed scattered all over the classroom. Some of the victims laid lifeless in their own pool of blood. Devastating to have learned that for the family of Victory, the only boy amongst the victims, he was the only child.

Worth mentioning here that attacks on education facilities are a gross violation of children’s rights. The act was condemned at the national and international level as it violates children’s right to life and education. Again, the government of Camerron as usual denied the responsibility to its endless cycle of extreme violence towards Ambazonians. The attack significantly derailed efforts for school children to resume education due to the conflict.

The Mbonge massacre

 This took place on the 26th of March 2021. Mbonge is a small village situated on the outskirts of the town of Kumba. According to eyewitnesses, the government forces came to the village under the pretext that Ambazonian fighters were hiding in the village. They raided the village, arrested civilians including the aged, women and children. They led them to the execution ground, where they commanded them to sit on the bare ground and executed them all in cold blood.

Summary execution of unarmed civilians without trial by the government forces of Cameroon is a war crime. There is no justification for the forces of the Biya regime to use such tactics against innocent civilian. It was reported that some of the civilians picked by the military, were just returning from the farm. About 5 children were among the more than 40 civilians that were massacred at close range by the Cameroonian forces.

Government forces led civilians to the execution going. Take note of the aged, woman and children among the victims.

Mortal remains of the Mbonge massacre.

The above massacres are horrific reminders of ongoing genocide in Ambazonia. Time will fail us to talk about the Mautu, Pinyin, Muyuka, Ekiliwindi and several other massacres. Massacres are a pattern that has continually been employed by the government forces since the onset of the conflict in 2016. Although the massacres are executed with military precision from Cameroon military men and weaponry, the government continues to deny responsibility. They tend to accuse the fighters from Ambazonia until the testimony of local eyewitnesses/residents, as well as both local and foreign investigations prove otherwise.

While the Biya’s regime should be held accountable for genocide in Ambazonia, the urgent need for ceasefire cannot be overemphasized. The regime is responsible for innumerable violations of human rights and war crimes and should be held accountable.

It is our responsibility to remember the horrific dead toll that the crisis has on the poeple of Ambazonia and keep appealing for those responsible to be held accountable for justice to prevail. Impunity empowers abuse. The regime should be accountable for extreme violations of human rights.

Massacre is a war crime. By shedding light on horrific incidents of gross human right violations, massacres remain vivid proves that the regime has failed in its responsibility to protect Ambazonians in times of armed unrest. They do all on the front stage to present a safe and peaceful nation while perpetuating genocide on the backstage. It is time for the international community to intervene and stop the genocide in Ambazonia.

#notoimpunity

#stopthegenoideinambazonia

Emilia Efeti Agey

 

 

 

 

 

 

Human Rights Monitoring Project
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Kumba Massacre

THE KUMBA MASSACRE;7 CHILDREN KILLED AND 13 WOUNDED.

A lot of atrocities have bee have been committed in Southern Cameroons by la République du  Cameroun military forces since the President  Biya unilaterally declared war on Southern Cameroons in 2017. But none is as outrageous as the Kumba massacre of October 24,2020 where 7 children were massacred and 13 more severely wounded.

The 2 English-speaking regions of the Cameroon have been without peace for close to 5 years . The conflict started in 2016 when lawyers and teachers from southern Cameroonians made some demands from the government including  lesser use of French in the courts and classrooms in Southern Cameroons given that the educational and legal system in Southern Cameroons has been historically English. However, the Cameroun government refused to heed to these demands and went ahead to arrest  the leaders of lawyers and Teachers trade union. These lead to further strikes  by the people in Southern Cameroons with hundreds of activists detained or killed.

This has lead to a wider determination of Southern Cameroonians to achieve their independence leading to armed resistance since 2017. The government of Mr Biya unilaterally declared war on Southern Cameroons  forcing unarmed civilians to defend themselves. The Cameroun military has committed several war crimes including killing innocent children,  raping women and  touching over 200  villages. There has been no response from the international community, which is why the Norwegian refugee agency considers the conflict as the most neglected on earth.

October 24,2020 is a date forever inscribed in the hearts of the southern Cameroonians. Children were murdered in cold blood while in their classroom. This incident happened at Mother Francisca International Bilingual Academy in Kumba,Fiango neighbourhood. At 11am,about 9 military men at the school premise. They got into the 2nd floor of the school building and opened fire on the children. A few who could escape jumped from the staircase, thereby wounding themselves. After the shoot out, blood and dead bodies of children could be seen in all the nook and cranny of the classroom.

Press-Release-Condemn-School-Killing-Oct-24-2020

These children were between the ages of  12 to 14.The  military were on a mission to inflict even more pain on innocent school  children. All international human right organizations including the United Nations have condemned this act,yet the perpetrators have not been brought to justice. Instead, the Biya government claims that the separatists are to blame. This attack follows several similar attacks by the Cameroun military  including one on February 14, 2020 in the Northwest region where government forces massacred 21 people, including 13 children.

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By CYRIL AYUK                     SCNC UK

 

 

 

 

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THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS DECOLONISATION STRUGGLE

THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS DECOLONISATION STRUGGLE.

(KNOW YOUR HISTORY)

 

1st January 1960 – The Republic of Cameroon gained its independence.
The direct implication of this was that those within its geographical boundary immediately acquired Cameroonian nationality. No one out of that geographical space under international law can be called a Cameroonian or acquire Cameroonian nationality until specific treaties were negotiated, the terms agreed on and signed.
On the 1st of October, 1960 The Federal Republic of Nigeria also obtained its independence.
It is worthy to note that Southern Cameroons the United Nations Trust Territory was not given independence.

What went wrong? Why is Southern Cameroon still colonized?

THE PLEBISCITE

1959-1961. The United Kingdom ensured that Southern Cameroon did not have its independence.
In February 1961 Southern Cameroons was forced to achieve independence by joining either Nigeria or French Cameroon in a plebiscite. The plebiscite question was phrased to achieve two things:
1. Independence in keeping with the United Nations Regulations 1514
2. Joining.
The unjust plebiscite took place and southern Cameroonians voted to have independence by joining French Cameroon on the 11th of February, 1961.
The United Nations on April 21 1961 voted on the issue of Southern Cameroons independence
64 voted yes and 23 voted No and 10 Abstained.

Based on the majority of the Yes votes (66%), the United Nations sets October 1, 1961, as the Independence Day of the Southern Cameroons.
But the process of joining does not take place. French Cameroon had secretly planned to recolonize Southern Cameroons. No real negotiations for Unity took place. There was no engagement or UNION TREATY signed. Thus Legally, joining did not happen.
The period between April and September was the time that was allocated for the joining terms to be negotiated between both countries.

THE FOUMBAN CONSTITUTIONAL TALKS.
The motive of the conference in 1961 was to establish a unique Federation on the continent of Africa and to evolve a bicultural society in which the distinct heritage of each of the parties to the Cameroon Union would flourish. These talks took place from the 17th to the 21st of July 1961.
We believe that such a lofty goal could be achieved. But we were deceived with fake independence.
The UNION JACK was lowered and the British left the Southern Cameroons after having prepared grounds for our recolonization. Instruments of power were illegally handed over to Ahmadou Ahidjo of French Cameroon on the eve of the 1st of October 1961.

On eve of the joining on September 30th, 1961, the Cameroon military got into the Southern Cameroons and officially became a reoccupied and recolonized people.
Southern Cameroons could not celebrate independence but was terrorized by an occupier.

THE PEOPLE’S INDEPENDENCE WAS STOLEN.

Over the period the French Cameroon government ensured.
1. The Southern Cameroons government was dissolved without the voice of the people.
2. The Southern Cameroons Parliament was dissolved.
3. The Southern Cameroons House of chiefs was dissolved.
4. Almost all of Southern Cameroons cooperate headquarters were moved to French Cameroon.
5. Southern Cameroon biggest corporations were forced to pay local taxes to French Cameroon municipalities.
All this happened under the banner of a fake federation.
As if this was not enough, the form of illegal union was banished completely. French Cameroon Unilaterally decided to change the federal nature of the state to a unitary state in violation of Section 47 of its constitution.
They changed the countries name from the United Republic of Cameroon. All these were done by the former head of state, the late Ahmadou Ahidjo.
On the 4th of February, 1984. Mr. Paul Biya, unilaterally changed the name of the country made up of two countries with two distinctive cultural backgrounds to the Republic of Cameroon. The name la République du Cameroun had at independence.
Southern Cameroons disappears, even the flag changed. We were effectively assimilated and erased from the map of Africa? The people were betrayed and subjugated.

Paul Biya, the President of Cameroon said it in his interview in France in 2019 to Mo Ibrahim, an African entrepreneur who supports good governance, “we have been trying to assimilate the Anglophone culture into ours but that has been difficult “

 

 

 

 

 

 

THE DECOLONISATION PROCESS 1984-1990.

The Southern Cameroons nationalist leaders stood up for independence. They were arrested, brutalized, jailed, tried in military tribunals and so many killed.
THE 1990’s The Southern Cameroon elites got together to advise the French Cameroon government to immediately return to the Federal nature of the state or risk seeing Southern Cameroons Unilaterally declare independence.
1993. The people of Southern Cameroon petitioned the United Nations.

ORGANISATION OF THE ALL ANGLOPHONE CONFERENCES

Two major conferences took place, organized by Southern Cameroon Elite.

April 2nd and 3rd 1993. AAC.1.

All Anglophone conferences took place at Mount Mary in Buea. This was a historic conference. The purpose was to adopt a common Anglophone stand on constitutional reform and to several matters related to their welfare and posterity, their territory, and country. This was published in a pamphlet for the information of the general public.
The Resolutions that were adopted and the Declaration that was issued from the AAC 1 was known as “The Buea Declaration”
of 1994.

April, 29th to the 1st of May. AAC 2 (All Anglophone Conference 2)
The Bamenda proclamation. This conference was held to consider the implications for Anglophone Cameroon of the BIYA Government arbitrary suspension for nearly one year of the constitutional reform process initiated in November 1992 to evaluate the execution by the Anglophone standing Committee of the mandate it received from the All Anglophone Conference at Buea in April 1993 and to examine other issues concerning the people and the Territory of Southern Cameroons. Regarding the implications for Anglophone Cameroon of the lack of progress in the constitutional reform process which the BIYA Government had abandoned since June 1993. The All Anglophone Conference noted with deep regret that one year since the Anglophone constitutional proposals were officially submitted nothing was done by the BIYA Government, so the council was dissolved and replaced by an Anglophone council. This conference recalled the following;
1. That it held its first session at Buea in April 1993 for the proposed inter-alia, of preparing Anglophone participation in the National Debate on Constitutional Reforms which the BIYA Government had undertaken to organize in May 1993.
2. That accordingly, it formally declared the preparedness of Anglophones to participate in constitutional talks.
3. That, to this end, it ( i )created a committee for the final drafting of the All Anglophone constitutional proposals in accordance with the general guidelines which it adopted at Buea.
( ii ) It directed that the Anglophone Delegation at the constitutional talks should conduct negotiations in close observance of the terms of the Anglophone Draft Constitution tabled at the talks and should, in any case, be bound by the return of Cameroon to the federal form of government.
The All Anglophone conference further recalled that since its first session at Buea in April 1993.
1. Its standing Committee officially submitted Anglophone Constitutional proposals in the form of a Draft Federal Constitution to the Government in May 1993 and released the said Draft for general public discussion in July 1993
2. Its standing Committee published an official French translation of the Draft Federal Constitution in July 1993 to make the Anglophone proposals accessible and more easily comprehensible to Francophone government officials and the Francophones generally.

3. Its officials have striven to educate, in French, Francophone government officials and Francophone public in general on the content, spirit, and purpose of Anglophone Constitutional Proposals, notably through the appearance of its spokesman on the television program “Actualite Hebdo” in May 1993.
4. It addressed several memoranda and resolutions to the government on the subject of Constitutional reform and in December 1993 a formal request for the audience with the President to obtain the Government’s official reaction to the Anglophone constitutional proposal.
5. It has, knowing the influence that the French Government appears to have on BIYA Government to engage in dialogue with All Anglophone Conference concerning reform.

They came up with the Bamenda proclamation. Which states as follows:
1. That one year since the Anglophone Constitutional proposals were officially submitted, the All Anglophone Conference in 1993 is hereby dissolved and replaced by an Anglophone Council.
2. The Anglophone Council shall take over and perform all tasks, responsibilities, and their duties and exercise all powers previously assigned to the defunct Standing Committee by the First All Anglophone Conference.
3. Without prejudice to the provisions of paragraphs (2) of this Proclamation the Anglophone Council shall seek and secure Constitutional talks between Anglophone Cameroon and Francophone Cameroon and the basis of the Draft Federal Constitution which was submitted by the Anglophone Standing Committee in May 1993, as subsequently amended by the Standing Committee.
4. In its negotiations with Francophone Cameroon and the Anglophone delegation at the constitutional talks shall not accept any arrangement which does not envisage the restoration of an Anglophone Federated state within the Federal Republic of Cameroon in the recognition of the bicultural nature of Cameroon and under which citizens shall be protected as envisaged in the Draft Federal Constitution against such violations and abuse as cataloged in the Buea Declaration.
5. The All Anglophone Conference hereby reiterates the resolution taken at its first session in April 1993 that:
(a) There shall be a single and indivisible Anglophone Delegation at any future constitutional talks.
(b) That the members of the Anglophone Delegation to the Constitutional talks shall be those who at the opportune moments, and in the spirit of the conference shall have been mandated as such by the Standing Committee (now the Anglophone Council) appointed at the conference.
(c) That Anglophone Cameroon shall not be bound by any undertakings given or commitments made at the constitutional talks by any Anglophone not mandated to attend the talks as a member of the Anglophone Delegation.
6. Should the Government either persist in its refusal to engage in meaningful Constitutional talks or fail to engage in such talks within a reasonable time, the Anglophone Council shall so inform the Anglophone people by all suitable means. It shall thereupon, proclaim the revival of the Independence Sovereignty of the Anglophone Territory.
7. Following the Proclamation of the Revival of Independence and Sovereignty of Southern Cameroons as provided above, the Anglophone Council shall, without having to convene another session of the All Anglophone Conference, transform itself into Southern Cameroon Constituent Assembly for the purpose of drafting and adopting a Constitution for the Independent and Sovereign State of Southern Cameroons.
8. For the purposes of paragraph (7) above, the Anglophone Council shall enlarge itself to such organs or individuals as shall appear expedient, beneficial, or necessary and in the interests of Southern Cameroon.
9 In the event of the situation contemplated in paragraph (7) above, the independent and sovereign Southern Cameroons and the Sovereign Republic of Cameroon shall negotiate their peaceful separation on the basis of the Buea Peace Initiative and on such other terms as shall be mutually beneficial.
The Chairman of these conferences was Sam EKONTANG ELAD.
God bless Anglophone Cameroon.
THE BIRTH OF SOUTHERN CAMEROON-NATIONAL COUNCIL (SCNC).
The Cameroon government gave no regards to the Bamenda Proclamation, so the SCNC was born to continue the fight against our assimilation by French Cameroon through the Force of Argument and not the Argument of force with the ideology of Separation to maintain our identity as a people and to create this awareness to other Southern Cameroonians who didn’t know the trend of events.
In 2002, The Nigerian High Court sitting in Abuja ordered the Federal Government of Nigeria to place the self-determination case of the Southern Cameroon people before the United Nations General Assembly.
In 2003, the people of Southern Cameroons petitioned the African Commission on Human and people’s rights. Note ACHR verdict in 2009
I remember being an SCNC member on the eve of 1st of October we will go to all government institutions in Mamfe at midnight and hoist the SCNC flags so that before the police are sent out in the morning of the 1st we had done our job. It was an accomplished mission. To us, it was our way of celebrating our denied independence and raising awareness. At that time most of the Southern Cameroons were looking at us as trouble makers because they were denied these truths by deliberately not teaching our history in our schools. I am happy today because the SCNC has succeeded with its ideas. I am proud to be part of this wind of change.

WHERE THINGS WENT WRONG.

During October – November 2016 – Common law Lawyers of Anglophone Cameroons and teachers went on strike. They had written a letter to the government over the use of French in courtrooms and in classrooms to protect the English culture. Enough with the assimilation. Give us a Federation or we will declare our Independence.
The Lawyers and the Teachers formed what was known as the Consortium. This was not only a problem of lawyers and teachers but all Southern Cameroons who had been living like slaves in a land they call their own. The Consortium had the support of the people. Honorable WIRBA made it clear in the National Assembly Session, “Mr. President Something is brewing out there”.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CAMEROON government branded these leaders as terrorist and ban the consortium and the Southern Cameroon National Council and other Trade Unions.

In January, 16th – 19th of 2017, key leaders were arrested. PEN TERENCE KHAN. BARISTER AGBOR BALLA, DR FONTEM NEBA, MANCHO BIBIXY (popularly known as the leader of the coffin revolution).

So many of our people were arrested, several leaders escaped the country about 240 Southern Cameroon National Council (SCNC) known activists escaped into exile of which I Electa Shalo Manyimuchua was amongst.

With French Cameroon out rightly refusing to dialogue with the people to address the root causes of our recolonisation quest, the people of Southern Cameroons prepare the restoration of their independence.

On September 22nd people went out with peace plants to demonstrate their zeal for their freedom, they were ruthlessly killed in their numbers

 

On the 1st of October, 2017 .HE Sisiku Ayuk Tabe with the mass of our people declared the restoration of independence of the Southern Cameroons and rename the Country the Federal Republic of AMBAZONIA.

Then the Diaspora follow suit for a call to free Southern Cameroons.

Then BIYA declared war on us in on the 4th of December 2017. Ever since then our people are been massacred on a daily basis with the most recent, the Mbonge massacre. Women and pregnant women murdered in cold blood.

 

The Southern Cameroons have known nothing during the 32 years of been together with French Cameroon than subjugation, terror, torture, maiming, injustices and above all the ongoing genocide to erase us as a people .The Southern Cameroon problem is clearly that of incomplete decolonization process and not that of cessation as the French Cameroon government has made the world to believe.

My concern is that the International community know this truth but we have been neglected.

Ambazonians know your history, know who you are as a people and stand up as one man one people and fight.

Fight for your freedom Say No to NEO COLONIALISM.

Article written by

 

 

 

Electa Shalo Manyimuchua. Assistant Secretary, SCNC UK

 

 

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THE MILE 90-NGONGWA MASACRE OF APRIL 18, 2021

THE MILE 90-NGONGWA MASACRE OF APRIL 18, 2021: ANOTHER HORRIFIC SHOW OF FORCE BY THE CAMEROON’S MILITARY.

By Cyprian M. Achuo

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Cameroon’s genocidal military by the Paul Biya-led regime committed another massacre of at least six (6) and 10 injured Southern Cameroons /Ambazonian civilians in a snack Bar at Mile 90 Nsongwa-Bamenda (Mezam County)

 

This is yet another atrocious act committed by la Republique du Cameroun’s military. Paul Biya’s regime attempt to manipulate the local population using media by incriminating the Ambazonian Restoration Forces (ARF) of being responsible for the horrendous atrocity is extremely unacceptable and condemnable. According to eyewitness accounts, they were la Republique du Cameroun’s military forces during the massacre, there were seen gulping looted beer from the snack bar before exiting the scene of the crime.

 

This atrocious act in Mile 90 Ngongwa, Bamenda, follows many other massacres that have been perpetrated by Biya’s – led genocidal regime of la Republique du Cameroun.

 

 

https://twitter.com/MNdagha/status/1384124452904980485?s=20

 

Once more, Southern Cameroons National Council SCNC and other groups continued to urge the United Nations and other international organizations for an immediate intervention to help end the over four (4) years’ war that keep worsening as time persists. We very much believe that the inability to act against these genocidaires by holding them accountable for previous massacres has emboldened them to continue to carry on other acts such as this.

 

In effect, from 2017 till now, it has been the deadliest period in the Southern Cameroonians (Ambazonia) history and la Republique du Cameroun continues to massacre our people with impunity through the ongoing genocide.

 

Separatist have been fighting since 2017 to form an English-speaking state within the majority French-speaking country. Consequently, the response of the government forces has always been brutal and deadly. The Mile 90 Ngongwa, Bamenda incident is just one of the many incidents whereby government forces have massacred unarmed civilians in the names of fight the separatists.

 

Cameroon government forces have persistently violated the Rights and freedom of the people of Ambazonia. The military is known to have been raping women, including those with disabilities, and arbitrarily arresting and beating young men. However, many of these violations have been underreported partly for fear of reprisal from the military.

 

 

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CAMEROON’S ANTI-TERRORISM LAW: HOW THE GOVERNMENT USES IT TO SILENCE POLITICAL CRITICS AND SCNC ACTIVISTS

CAMEROON’S ANTI-TERRORISM LAW: HOW THE GOVERNMENT USES IT TOSILENCE POLITICAL CRITICS AND SCNC ACTIVISTS

By Cyprian M. Achuo

 

 

 

Under the leadership of president Paul Biya, the Republic of Cameroon continued touse the anti-terrorism law enacted in 2014 to suppress political critics and freedom ofexpression by arresting journalists and activists in connection with the ongoing crisis inthe Anglophone regions.The separatist Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) which is demanding anindependent Southern Cameroons made up of Cameroon’s North West and South Westregions has been targeted under the new law, which forbids public meetings, streetprotests or any action that the government deem to be disturbing peace. The law alsoprescribes death penalty for persons who are suspected of involving in any activitywhich may trigger political dissent, especially the North West and South West regions.The Anti-Terrorism law has triggered a wave of criticism from the media and theinternational community. Many believe that the law is not only intended to silencefreedom of the press as its hidden intent is to target Sothern Cameroonian groups suchas Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC), Amberzonian Defence Forces(ADF), Movement for the Restoration of Southern Cameroons (MRSC), SouthernCameroons Governing Council (SCGC), Ambazonian Governing Council (AGovC) andthe Southern Cameroon Public Affairs Committee (SCAPAC) etc.Specifically, the law is also against fundamental liberties and Human Right of theCameroonians, especially Southern Cameroonian political activists who are clamouringfor the independence of Southern Cameroon also known as Ambazonia. The case ofSCNC National chairman Dr Nfor Ngala Nfor, Sissiku Ayuk Tabe, Barrister Agbor, Dr.Fontem Neba, Bibixy Mancho, Ngalim Felix and many other Anglophone activists is anillustration of how the law has been applied since it was enacted. Equally, it shows itsnegative impact on Human Rights and Freedom vis-a-vis the exercise of Cameroonmilitary court’s jurisdiction over civilian cases in Cameroon.In October 2019, the government released 333 low-level detainees arrested forsuspicion of being Anglophone separatists and facing misdemeanor charges. However,hundreds of others remain in detention. The government continued to characterizepeople espousing separatism for the Northwest and Southwest Regions as terroristsand, in August 2019, sentenced separatist leader Julius Ayuk Tabe and the Nera 10 tolife imprisonment. Other activists such as Bibixy Mancho and Pen Terence are serving a15 years term.Currently,   more   than   one   thousand   Anglophones   activists   of   the   SCNC   and   othergroups are incarcerated all over French Cameroon based on the 2014 Anti-Terrorismlaw. Many of them have been sentenced to 13-17 years.In effect, the  2014  Anti-Terrorism   law  has  significant  deficiencies.  For  instance,   theoffences  that   constitute   “act   of   terrorism”   are   not   clearly   defined  by  the  same  law.“Peaceful protesters have been arrested under terrorism laws and have been labelledterrorists   while   only   exercising   their   unalienable   human   rights.   Anti-terrorism   effortshave been too broad in scope at times, and as a result, the negative effects of terrorismefforts have been felt far too often by civilians.  One common theme is clear. Terrorismoffenses   should   be   narrowly   defined   and   clearly   limited   to   actual   behaviour   that   isrelated to terrorism. Peaceful protests should be a positive reflection of the democraticvalues of a country and not wrongly condemned as terrorist acts”.Cameroon has since seen the acts of armed secessionist groups as acts of terrorismand launched several military crackdowns which has resulted to the death of hundredsof civilians.“Anti-terrorism laws which are ambiguous and lack clarity can negatively impact theenjoyment of human rights. The government of Cameroon’s Law No. 2014/028 of 23rdDecember   2014   on   the   suppression   of   acts   of   terrorism   in   Cameroon   has   raisedconcerns from policy makers, activists and governments alike. Its potential infringementon important Human Rights and freedoms protected under the Cameroon Constitutionand   international   human   rights   law   was   immediately   signalled   by   the   barrage   ofcriticisms   that   followed   its   promulgation.   Contra   Nocendi   International   and   ContraNocendi Cameroon have raised such concerns in the past, especially with respect tothe freedom of expression and of assembly. We have equally raised concerns about thepossibility of abuse of the law to silence political opponents leading to disproportionatepunishment for the exercise of civil rights and liberties. Persons could incur the deathpenalty   for   the   sole   reason   of   exercising   their   freedoms   of   speech,   opinion   and association.

 

Cyprian M. Achuo

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Mautu massacre

 

              

 

 

 

Cameroon has been faced with a war with the self declared “Southern Cameroons” secessionist state Ambazonia for the last 5 years. It began in 2016 when government security forces used lethal force against peaceful demonstrators  from students and Lawyers in the Minority country’s English speaking regions. This lead to president Paul Biya of Cameroon declaring war on Ambazonia. The  war between the two sides has lead to  several war crimes committed by the Cameroon forces.

In August 2018,the Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Africa published a list of 106 villages raided or burnt by government forces since 2016

 

 

 
The war has escalated with increased attacks on schools and the use of explosive devices .Norwagian refugee agency declared Cameroon as the most neglected conflict in the world with more than 800,000 civilians  displaced in 2019. Civilian death toll is said to be around 4,000 but these figures are disputed with activists claiming it could be  more than 40,000.

The United Nations estimates that 3 million Southern Cameroonians have been affected. Since January 2021,27  military attacks have been made across 13 towns in Southern Cameroons.

Whenever there is an attack on the military, they usually respond with burning of villages and killing of civilians . This  was what lead to the Mautu massacre that killed 9 civilians included a 6 year old child on January  10th 2021 according to the Human Rights watch.

This massacre like manner others has left many Southern Cameroonians mourning with the international community condemning the violence including from the French government that has traditionally supported the regime.

 

 

 

Witnesses say the soldiers killed and wounded civilians  and also  looted several houses in the area. Thousands fled to the bushes to sought refuge. Videos and  photographs circulating on social media identify the Cameroon military  as the perpetrators’..

Just like in Mautu,7 children were also killed and 13 others severely wounded in Kumba in October 2020.There have been several similar massacres including  Ngarbuh,Pinyin and Muyuka.

 

Since the attack , the Cameroon government claims it is investigating the incident, but it is unlikely anything will be done as the military has committed several crimes against civilians throughout this conflict without any consequences whatsoever.

 

These barbaric crimes committed by the Cameroon military must be brought to an international tribunal. Those who have perpetuated such acts including the politicians must face justice. It is not enough for the international community to only condemn these acts , repeating same words every time there is another massacre. Severe sanctions must be imposed on the government of Cameroon. Also, active steps must be taken to end the conflict which must include the people of Southern Cameroons deciding their own destiny via a UN agreed process.

 

By,

 

Cyril Ayuk

 

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Home – Where is Home?

 

 

Home – Where is Home?

It is an unfortunate situation for the people of British Southern Cameroon.

 

For four years, no rest, no sleep, no peace, no happiness.

People are driven from  their homes, either by gunshot or by the smell of smoke from fires started by government soldiers looking for their brothers and sisters of the country, or maybe from the same village, tribe, or even the same town.

 

The life of the people of British Southern Cameroon are still in limbo. Home. Where is home?…..We don’t have a home anymore as everyone is looking for somewhere to hide their head.—They don’t even mind if it is comfortable or not.

 

Fleeing from Home

 

Unsettlement in Cameroon has driven boys and girls into prostitution and also driven some to premature death. The people of Southern Cameroon are homeless and stateless as they take risks that only put their life on the line. In any country they go through, the local people may find it hard to accept that Cameroonians are prepared to take any risk to enter a country. Southern Cameroonians have decided that it is better to be eaten by crocodiles, or drowned in water, or be eaten by wild forest animals, rather than to go back to Cameroon.

 

 

 

Youth  are supposed to be the leaders of tomorrow, but in this case they go instead to other African countries, smaller and also poorer, just to make ends meet. But some die in the process from sickness, or having no money, or from poisoning. Some even get killed by their employer as their affairs have got out of hand.

With pregnancy comes the risk that they will be killed because they don’t want to be found out  –   or maybe their wife has found out and given them poison direct. I can go on and on.

 

Humans Being Burnt

Imagine the world without humans. In Southern Cameroon these days I think animals are more respected by the government at this time of struggle than the people of Amba. Since this fighting between the Ambazonians and the republic people have been barbecued by the soldiers who have decided to roast people alive. The government have turned their heart to stone with no feelings. From January to March they have been killing by fire and gun the innocent people who cannot defend themselves.

It is very difficult when people are not allowed to stay in other countries because if they have to return to Cameroon life is very dangerous for them as their government don’t care if they live or die. Imagine your 5 year old being roasted like a barbecue pork?….Who wouldn’t protect their children?…  Babies are being burnt  –   toddlers are being burnt   – an old mum or dad who can’t walk are being burnt?…. Ambazonians are tired and don’t know what to do.

 

Now the trick the government are using to punish innocent people is burning their planting seeds. This means they will starve. They burn their homes to make them homeless, hungry, and desperate to survive. Those who have managed to enter another country are still struggling even though they don’t believe they are at risk. If the government can burn babies what will theyl do to those belonging to a movement or party?  You still remain a threat to the government of La Republic because they have no respect for anyone.

 

Conclusion

I am just raising my voice, joining that of my brothers and sisters scattered around the world in search of safety and a home where they will find peace, hope and love. I hope my cry will be loud enough for the world to see and intervene.

 

 

By

Vivian Ngum Fomukong

 

SCNC-UK

 

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THE LEGAL ARGUMENT FOR SOUTHERN CAMEROON INDEPENDENCE

SC Workshop – Bamenda

11 February 2005

Presented by Germanus Dounge

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This article was first presented at a Southern Cameroons workshop in Bamenda,Cameroon. Published by Federation of the Free States of Africa.

Email: africa.federation@gmail.com www.africafederation.net.

We republish the article here  because of the strong arguments the author makes for the benefit of all southern Cameroonians and readers.

Introduction:

“An annexed people is always for a king or an Emperor a matter of complex problems for his own people are always divided on the annexation like the annexed people themselves: he always has sleepless nights over them until the annexed people free themselves by sword or by negotiation, for the ashes of annexation are never completely cold”
Michiavelo Machiaveli

The problem which has been existing between the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun since 1961 has been given many improper names:
i. Marginalization (political, economic, social, cultural, and linguistic);
ii. Lack of democracy in the domain of elections;
iii. Bad governance;
iv. Non-accommodation of Anglo-French bilingualism on the grounds of the
French domino theory;
v. Dictatorship;
vi. Lack or imbalance of Affectio societatis between Southern Cameroonians and camerounais;
vii. Annexation

The last name, annexation, is the appropriate name: the first six have been in use since 1972; but annexation has been in use only since the peoples of the Southern Cameroons started their struggle for liberation in 1982 with the meetings of elites of the North-West and South-West provinces in Douala. These meetings served as the nucleus of what was to later to become the CAMEROON ANGLOPHONE MOVEMENT (CAM) in December 1991.

CAM later transmuted to the SOUTHERN CAMEROONS RESTORATION MOVEMENT (SCARM) in July 1996. CAM popularized the name, annexation, in its information bulletin called CAM Forum No. 2. Annexation is the appropriate name because it is justified in international law. The other names can be justified only in domestic law, that is, within the framework of a national constitution.

To justify the current struggle for independence for the Southern Cameroons and win the sympathy of the international community, SCARM all along has been focusing on the international status of the Southern Cameroons by exposing, explaining and upholding the struggle within the framework of international law. This has been done in four sections:

Section 1 – The physical and legal birth of the Southern Cameroons under international law;
Section 2 – The international legal existence of the Southern Cameroons from 1919 to 1946 under the Leagus of Nations;
Section 3 – The international legal existence of the Southern Cameroons from 13 December 1946 to 1961 under United Nations Trusteeship;
Section 4 – The international legal existence of the Southern Cameroons from its annexation on 1st October 1961 to the expected independence.

THE LEGAL ARGUMENT IN INTERNATIONAL LAW FOR INDEPENDENCE FOR THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS.

SECTION 1

The Physical and Legal Birth of the Southern Cameroons under International Law.

The German colony of KAMERUN was lying between the British colony of NIGERIA and the French colonies of Tchad, Oubangui-chari, Congo and Gabon. At the outbreak of the First World War in 1914 the British West African Frontier Forces from The Gambia, Sierra- Leone, Ghana (the Gold Coast) and Nigeria gathered at Ikom in Nigeria under the command of General CHARLES C. DOBELL. These British colonial troops entered the German colony of Kamerun and fought their first battle with German colonial troops commanded by Colonel Zimmermann at SANAKANG. The French colonial troops from Tchad, Oubangui-Chari, Congo and Gabon, under the command of General Joseph AYMERICH, entered KAMERUN to fight the German troops. The war lasted from 1914 till 1918 with the defeat of the German troops in Kamerun.

The British troops from the west and the French troops from the east had penetrated right inside the colony by 1916. The British Secretary for the Colonies, Alfred MILNER and the French Minister for the Colonies and Navy, Henri SIMON, realizing that their combined troops were about to capture German KAMERUN, drew a line in 1916 to partition the German colony between Britain and France. As the war progressed, Alfred MILNER and Henri SIMON signed an agreement to confirm the line in 1917: the agreement became known as the SIMON – MILNER AGREEMENT which shared the German colony of KAMERUN into two sectors for Britain in the West and for France in the East.

When the map of the partition was sent from London to General Charles C. Dobell, he unexpectedly rejected the map, sent it back to London in protest on grounds that the partition of the land from the sea – Tiko through Misselele to Muyuka – is the area where he lost many of his men, and that land had been put in the French Sector according to the map; so he could never accept it; that that piece of land must be in the British Sector.

London rejected Dobell’s argument and refused to modify the map: Dobell threatened to fight the French troops which were already camping in the disputed area. Realising the seriousness of Dobell’s threat, London gave in and modified the map to include the disputed area in the British Sector as requested by Dobell. Dobell was later accused by the British of rebellion and insubordination and sent on punitive transfer to Rawalpindi in India (Rawalpindi is today in Pakistan).

The war ended in 1918 with the defeat of Germany and the partition of the German colony of KAMERUN. Britain and France set up administrations in their respective sectors. In 1919 Britain, France and Germany signed the Versailles Peace Treaty at LE PALAIS DES GALERIES DES GLACES (Versailles – France) on 28 July 1919. This treaty confirmed the Simon – Milner Agreement of 1916: and this was the physical and Legal Birth of the Southern Cameroons in international law binding Britain, France and Germany, and eye-witnessed by the United States.

It should be noted that during the war, the United States which had refused to fight alongside France and Britain when contacted, sold war materials to Britain and France according to the “Buy and Carry Act” passed by the US Congress as a diplomatic way of assisting Britain. “Buy and Carry Act” meant you buy them in cash. According to President Woodrow Wilson “we sell arms to you and you carry them away at once in one shipment to where you want and to do what you want”.

When contacted to sign the Versailles Peace Treaty as a big power, Woodrow Wilson refused on the grounds that “we have not been defeated nor have we won in a war we have only heard of; but we should seat at Versailles as an observer”. The Versailles Peace Treaty, an international treaty, made the Simon – Milne Agreement boundary the permanent international boundary between the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun du premier janvier 1960.

SECTION 2

The First Specific International Status of the Southern Cameroons within International Boundaries.

Before the formation of the League of Nations, the international boundary of the Southern Cameroons on its eastern border was the one recognised by the Versailles Peace Treaty: on its western border, the international boundary was the one recognised by the Anglo – German Treaty of 1913. The League of Nations was founded as an international organisation to promote, maintain and keep peace around the world. As manager of international peace, the League of Nations put all the territories of German colonies captured during the war under a system of Mandatory Administration to mandated powers. Britain – France – Belgium became Mandatory Powers respectively for British Cameroons, Tanganyika, Papua New Guinea, British Togoland; French Cameroun, French Togo; Rwanda – Burundi.

The Southern Cameroons was given an international status in 1922 as a League of Nations Mandated Territory under British Administration. In 1931, the League of Nations requested Britain and France to landmark the international boundary between the British Cameroons and French Cameroun.

So on 9 January 1931, the “Cameroons boundary Commission” met in London. Under the supervision of the League of Nations. Administrators of the British Cameroons and those of French Cameroun landmarked the international boundary by building concrete cement pillar marks along the boundary: each landmark was the object of a specific topographic document which was co-signed by the Administrators of both countries.

SECTION 3

The Illegitimate and Illegal claim of Sovereignty over the Territory of the Southern Cameroons by La Republique du Cameroun on the grounds that the German colony of Kamerun ( Camereroes) became a German colony in 1884 by a Treaty signed between the German Consul GUSTAV NAGHTIGAL and the Kings of Douala.

That German colony comprised the current territory of La Republique du Cameroun and the British Cameroons; but the territory of German Kamerun has gone through a number of changes of its original boundaries over time. It is known that Germany, under Chancellor Von Bismark went out later for colonies because Von Bismark had in the past told the Reishtag (Parliament): “I do not need colonies”. But Bismark, pressured by Von Papin, decided later to get colonies especially in Africa. So Germany wanted the area from Tangiers to Casablanca in the northern part of Morocco, a French colony.

The military governor of Morocco, General Lyanty, bitterly opposed the German request. France and Germany quarreled over Tangiers – Casablanca; and in order to settle the dispute, France preferred to offer land to Germany in the heart of Africa where France had many large colonies: Gabon, Congo, Oubangui – Chari, Tchad. France’s move was probably due to the fact that those four colonies were governed by civilian governors who, of course, were more amenable than a military governor like General Lyanty in Morocco, Biaut –Willaumez in Gabon, Saborgnan de Brazzo (an Italian) in Congo, Captain Lomy in Oubangui – Chari, and Reverend Father Foureau in Tchad. Germany accepted France’s offer first by a treaty on 4 November 1911.

A portion of Tchad and a portion of Congo were joined to the German colony. By a treaty on 1st October 1912, a portion of Northern Gabon was joined to Kamerun. On 1st February 1913, a very large portion of western Oubangui – Chari was joined to Kamerun. So France expanded the territory of German Kamerun by 275,000 square kilometers before the outbreak of the war in 1914. By the effect of war, the expanded German Kamerun was shared between Britain and France.

France and the Returned Lands from the expanded German Kamerun.

Two factors were at play:

1. The Mandate of the League of Nations;
2. The bitter protests of the populations of the portions of French colonies which were attached to the original German Kamerun less than five years earlier.

France took over its portion of the divided German Kamerun in a very brutal manner, especially by forcefully suppressing the German language. The French-speaking populations who were joined to German Kamerun soon tabled two complaints: first, that war was never fought in the areas they inhabited as it was in the German-speaking area; that they did not yet speak German well; secondly, that they were not colonized by the Germans; that they willingly collaborated with the French troops against German troops. So, considering all those complaints, France returned to its colonies their respective portions of territory she ceded to Germany by treaties. So the Mandate given to France was applied on its original portion of German Kamerun, that is, the current territory of La Republique du Cameroun since 1916.

La Republique du Cameroun cannot legally claim the territory of the Southern Cameroons; La Republique du Cameroun has been claiming it as part of German Kamerun. How can a war booty believe that it is the father or mother of a twin war booty? The Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun are both monozygotic twins (from one egg) of the First World War. ( c/f: London – Cameroons Boundaries Commission – State Treaties Series No. CMD / 3639 / 03 – 9 January 1931).

SECTION 4

The International Legal Existence of Southern Cameroons from 13 December 1946 till 1st October 1961.

After the Yalta Conference in 1944 – (Stalin (Soviet Union)– Franklin Delano Roosevelt (USA) – Orlando (Italy) – Winston Churchill (Britain) – the U.N.O. was formed on 24 October 1945 at San Francisco to replace the League of Nations. On 13 December 1946, the U.N.O. created its Trusteeship Council by UNGAR 63-111 to replace the Mandates System of the defunct League of Nations. By the same Resolution 63-111 of 13 December 1946, the UN appointed Britain – France – Belgium – Australia – New Zealand Administering Authorities for the same territories over which there had been mandated powers of the defunct League of Nations. The same day, 13 December 1946, the U.N.O. signed Trusteeship Agreements with each Administering Authority for the former Mandated Territories. By these Agreements the former Mandated Territories became known as UN Trust Territories under the Administration of the Administering Authority.

The UN and Britain signed the Trusteeship Agreement No Document A / 152 / REV2 for the British Cameroons; and No. Document A / 155 / REV2 for La Republique du Cameroun

The Southern Cameroons then had its second specific international legal status as a UN Trust Territory. From 13 December 1946 the Southern Cameroons enjoyed its new international legal status through numerous UNGA Resolutions till 1st October 1961. The most important UN Resolutions on the Southern Cameroons in chronological order are:

* Resolution 338 – XI banning public corporal punishment within the territory: from this resolution, the popular 25 lashes were henceforth given as punishment inside a house, no more in the public view.
• Resolution 224 – 111 on the Administrative Union between adjacent UN Trust Territories under the same Administering Authority (see Nigeria and the Southern Cameroons as part of the Eastern Region of Nigeria till 1959 with Dr. E.M.L. Endeley as Prime Minister).
• Resolution 1282 – X111 of 13 July 1958 with British Report T./ 93 on the progress towards independence.
* Resolution 1350 – XIV on the principle of a plebiscite in the Southern Cameroons.
• Resolution 1352 – XIV of 16 October 1959 organizing the plebiscite in both Northern and Southern British Cameroons.
• Resolution 1608 – XV of 21 April 1961 on the independence and union with La Republique du Cameroun.

SECTION 5

The Plebiscites of 11 and 12 February 1961

Definition of plebiscite:

It is a vote to confirm a decision which has already been taken: in case of a YES vote, the decision is maintained; in case of a NO vote, the decision should be called off and the process may be re-launched. But the Southern Cameroons plebiscite was not a de jure confirmation of the two questions put at the plebiscite. Any YES vote was a mere wish for union; it was due to have any legal effect only as it was later specified by Resolution 1608 –XV of 21 April 1961. So the YES vote for union with La Republique du Cameroun was not legally binding.

Already Resolution 1352 – XIV categorically stated in its paragraph 6:
“the Administering Authority should take steps to separate the Administration of the Southern Cameroons from that of Nigeria not later than 1st October 1960”.
This paragraph put La Republique du Cameroun and Nigeria on an equal footing so that on 1st October 1960, the day fixed by the UN for independence for Nigeria, L a Republique du Cameroun and Nigeria had no legal link with the Southern Cameroons. This put a legal end to the Administrative union according to Resolution 224.
By contrast, a referendum is a vote to authorize to take a decision to do something: the two procedures are not substitutive. The 1961 plebiscite was a vote on a projected legal union whose legal treaty was due to be worked out as prescribed by Resolution 1608.

SECTION 6

The Debate on Resolution 1608 – XV at the UNGA on 21st April 1961

The Draft Resolution was proposed by India (IYA JAIPAL and Chrishna MENON)
-Chairman 14th General Assembly: Lambertin Dinar (Indonesia)
-Chairman of the Southern Cameroons item 13 and 41: Adnan PACHASI (Iraq)
-Vice – Chairman: Miss Silvia Shelton Villalien (Cuba)
-Djabal Abdo (Iran), Plebiscite Commissioner (seating with consultative status).

Take note that the vote was in three stages:

Round 1: Termination of the Trusteeship Agreement for the Southern Cameroons.

Round 2: Independence and its date.

Round 3: The Treaty and form of union between the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun.

The chairman opened the Debate by putting to vote the entire Resolution 1608 as drafted by the team chaired by M. Stravoulopos; and it was accepted by acclamation..
The chairman then put to vote the Rounds with the following results:-

– Round 1: 50 YES votes, 6 NO votes, 12 abstentions;

– Round 2: 50 YES votes, 6 NO votes, 12 abstentions;

– Round 3: Union in the form of a United Federal Republic of Cameroons [Cameroons in the plural (2 Cameroons: La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons)]: 50 YES votes, 21 NO votes, 6 abstentions as specified in paragraph B.

THE TREATY OF UNION:

A constitutional conference to be held to draft or workout an international Legal Treaty for the projected union with the assistance of Britain, the Southern Cameroons, La Republique du Cameroun, three experts in Constitutional and Administrative law. This Treaty of Union could legally validate the YES vote retroactively. According to the Law on Treaties (that is their legal system), the draft constitution must be approved by both parliaments of La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons by a Vote of Acceptance after first and second readings to the House by the Speaker; readings during which probable questions on the sensitive points would be asked and answered as well as the psychological, semantics and syntaxes in the draft.
If it is rejected, the work on these points must be done again satisfactorily. If it is accepted, it can be debated on its legal implications. After the debate, it can be ratified, meaning that it is good. Then a length of time is set for reflection on it; then after that time, it can be signed, making it internationally binding in international law.

SECTION 7

Federation:

There two kinds of federation: aggregative and segregative

A Segregative Federation is a mode of governance by a sovereign state to resolve political, economic or cultural problems within the state – it is not recognized in international law – its members are generally called autonomous regions, provinces or districts: they are not states as defined by the international law. And in international law they cannot quit the federation because they are an integral part of the national territory.

An Aggregative Federation is the form of federation the Southern Cameroons voted for in the 1961 plebiscite – it is formed by sovereign states which have internationally recognised boundaries. Although the Southern Cameroons was not a sovereign and independent state, at the time of the plebiscite, it had its international legal status as a UN Trust Territory which allowed the Southern Cameroons to form an aggregative federation with La Republique du Cameroun. That was the reason why the UN could not simply ask the Southern Cameroons at the plebiscite to integrate itself into La Republique du Cameroun.

It was on this legal ground that the UN envisioned the workout of a Treaty of Union for the projected federation according to the international law on Treaties. So one wonders why La Republique du Cameroun calls the Southern Cameroons a province of its territory. Members of an aggregative federation are called Federated States: each of them has the right to quit the federation. Examples of aggregative federations are: Federation of the Federated States of Micronesia in the South Pacific, Senegal / Gambia. The majority of federations around the world are segregative federations: Brazil, India, Nigeria, Argentina, Australia, Germany, etc.

SECTION 8

The Foumban Conference: How it took place (c/f la Duperie du Foumban).

“As the Anglophones were given only three days to study the constitution that sealed their fate” .

Foumban is a calm, sunny and beautiful town, where Ahmadou Ahidjo used to go to for relaxation because of his twin friendship between Sultan Seidou and Arouna Njoya. According to eye-witnesses at the time, Foumban was an island of peace in a environment where terror reigned in the midst of an armed rebellion. Despite the enormous means in men and materials put at the disposal of the regular army, it was not easy for it to crush the rebellion led by the National Liberation Army of Cameroun, the armed wing of the UPC.

In the two weeks leading up to the Foumban Conference, it was reported that more than one hundred people had been killed by terrorists in Loum, Bafang, Ndom and Douala. The echoes of these killings rapidly spread across the Mungo and seriously worried a large number of unification advocates there. On several occasions, Foncha had to publicly express his worries; on July 3, 1961 in Douala he made the following appeal: “Those who are killing should return to legality and work for the greatness of this country”.

In that climate of high insecurity in the country, Ahidjo was very much worried about how to reassure the leaders of the Southern Cameroons; so in deciding on the choice of Foumban as venue for the conference, Ahidjo thereby wanted to prove to those leaders that he was the master of peace. But Ahidjo’s choice was not completely without risks. Indeed Sultan Seidou and the traditional council of the Bamoun people have always been on the side of legality; but it should be remembered that Felix-Roland Moumie, a son of the soil, was one of the front leaders of the UPC, and as such , he had won many hearts over to the UPC cause; and he had even succeeded in introducing the doctrine of the UPC into the Sultan’s palace through one Mekou Samuel who was not only a friend but also the private secretary to the Sultan. Mekou Samuel had joined the UPC in the early days of its launching.

Even though the Koutaba military camp was there to reassure whoever, “the terrorists” of ANLK had proven that they mastered the field and could carry out any audacious attack wherever as was confirmed by the recent killing of the SDO, Albert Khong, through the complicity of DO Samuel Njouma.

In order to curb the infiltration of terrorists into Bamoun country, the authorities had tightened preventive security measures: after a short period of relative calm, a curfew was reinforced in all the administrative units around Foumban effective from the beginning of July. A stern communiqué issued by the prefet of Mbouda on July 3, 1961 to the populations that were used to violating the curfew warned that nobody should be found outdoors from 10pm to 5am in the Mbouda urban area, and from 7pm to 10pm in the assembling campus in the area of Bamboutos (camps commando); that from 6.30pm, only the vehicles of the administrative authorities, army and police were allowed to move. These same measures were taken in bafang, Bangante and Dschang.

On July 6, 1961 at the end of his tour in “Bamileke country”, the minister of justice pledged to the administrative authorities that “ he will inform the head of state about the encouraging feeling of the population about the very efficient fight against terrorism by the authorities”. The much publicised tranquillity and serenity and the paradisaical locality of Foumban was all fake. Of the date of 16 July 1961, only the people of the inner circle, like the minister of interior, Arouna njoya, knew that Foumban was nothing but an entrenched camp.

Introductions on preparations for the Conference

By all indications, one can believe that the principle to hold the constitutional conference in Foumban was adopted in the aftermath of the plebiscite of 11-12 February 1961 in the Southern Cameroons. Watch out! The Sultan of Foumban, Seidou Njoya, was one of the very few dignitaries who were at the Yaounde airport on March 3, 1961 to welcome Foncha who had come to brief Ahidjo on the outcome of the plebiscite. Five weeks later, precisely between 11 and 13 APRIL 1961, Ahidjo received in his palace, one after another, Njoya Arouna, and the nephew of the latter, Sultan Seidou Njoya of Foumban – since then, these three personalities, even before all of them died, people have always been tight lipped about the agenda of their meeting; but one may guess that the guidelines of the proposed constitutional conference were discussed during the underground meetings of the trio – Ahidjo – Seidou – Arouna. In fact, soon after that meeting, Yaounde (Ahidjo) sent strict instructions to the administrative authorities in the Bamoun country about the big projected event.

Without boasting his double capacity as eye-witness and as sous prefet of Foumban at that time, Emmanuel Njoya recounts the story as if it took place just two days ago. Let us listen to Emmanuel Njoya, now 92 years old, who was the sous-prefet of Foumban in 1961; hear him:

“ I became an administrative authority in 1955 as assistant DO of Foumban; from 1959 to 1963, I was the sous-prefet of the same town. Two months before the opening of the conference, the prefet, Jean-Marcel Mengueme, and myself were instructed and trusted with the organisation of the conference.

So while waiting for the politicians to come in for business, the prefet and the sous-prefet had to resolve the tedious problem of accommodation, feeding and transport of delegates as well as the animation of Foumban during the six days of the conference; decent houses hosting functionaries were requested; big farmers likeLaurent Guerpillon, Andre Blanc, Trolier et Charles Ock Dopher were solicited and contributed by putting at our disposal either a vehicle or a beautiful house; this local contribution was meagre compared to the huge means that were sent from Yaounde. As I must speak the truth, we cajoled, lured and enticed the Anglophones by our way of welcoming them; we were given so many things to prepare for the conference—– with all these things at our disposal, we lured the Anglophones.

Ahidjo and Foncha were accommodated in the Sultan’s palace where the Sultan himself took care of them. As concerns the others, we were given a special assignment to blindfold them: so each delegate had a refrigerator in his room, which was always full of champagnes and other assorted drinks; each big one among them had two refrigerators in his room, had a well-made bed with the most beautiful and expensive mattress and beddings. In addition, there were two beautiful girls who were assigned to permanently take care of him. These are the things which normally should not be told- these girls were instructed to permanently take care of our guests–that was real corruption-corruption has always existed- it has not started today..but at that time, it was not corruption for selfish interests as it is today..at the time it was good corruption to build the country.

As for the agenda of the activities, it included ballroom dances every evening throughout the week; cocktails followed by ballroom dances in Auberge de Foumban, prefet’s residence, sous-prefet’s residence, Dr. Herve’s residence; these were the logistics put in place when the delegations set foot on the soil of Foumban on July 16, 1961.

Arrival of delegations

First to arrive was the delegation of La republique du Cameroun du premier janvier 1960, headed by Ahmadou Ahidjo: it comprised Charles Assale (premier minister), Charles Okala (minister des affaires etrangeres), Josue Tetang (Secretaire d’Etat a l’Information), Christian Tobie Kuoh (Secretaire general du minister des Affaires etrangeres), the Guinea-Conakry-born Cheick Kekou Sissoko (chef du Secretariat particulierd’Ahmadou Ahidjo). Arouna Njoya(, Minister of interior, had been come ahead of the delegation to supervise the preparations for the conference.

The delegation of the Southern Cameroons left Tiko by a twin engine plane on the same 16 July 1961 and landed at Koutaba; as soon as it landed, the delegation left for Foumban by road where they arrived in the afternoon in the midst of an immense and enthusiastic crowd. It was made up of John Ngu Foncha, Emmanuel Liffaffe Endeley, Augustine Ngom Jua, Solomon Tandeng Muna, Nerius Namasso Mbile, John Bokwe, Bernard Fonlon; ten KNDP members, five CPNC members and two Ok members, and traditional rulers. At night fall, the delegation, still very tired after the long tedious journey from Tiko to Foumban, found solace for their tiredness by joining the immense crowd in singing and drinking; the ceremony was animated by Orchestre Irenee and Victor Priso band at the Auberge de Foumban.

The next day, 17 July 1961, the delegates, highly spirited, moved into the premises of the Cours complementaire (Teachers Training college). Consecutive speeches from Ahidjo, Foncha and Endeley lauded the singular opportunity for the come together. Endeley, leader of the opposition who had threatened to raise one hundred thousand men to break away and join Nigeria during the plebiscite campaigns, had already forgotten about that threat.

Opening the Conference by Ahidjo on July 17, 1961

Ahidjo, standing by the edge of a very long table covered with a green cloth, opened the constitutional conference that brought together the delegates of la Republique du Cameroun and those of the Southern Cameroons which was still a UN Trust Territory evolving towards the termination of the Trusteeship Agreement and independence. Ahidjo said: “The Bamoun country which I have chosen to host this conference, and whose chief, Sultan Seidou, is our friend whom I warmly thank for welcoming us so heartily, is a country where one would like to go for rest and relaxation”. This is how Ahidjo justified his choice of Foumban as the venue for the conference.

Soon after the speeches, the trust and confidence of the Southern Cameroons delegation was rudely shattered by Ahidjo: to the surprise of the Southern Cameroons delegates, Ahidjo rudely requested them to make their observations on the Draft constitution. “Which constitution?” Southern Cameroons delegates shouted! They had thought that they had come to Foumban together with Ahidjo’s delegation in order to jointly draft a constitution for the future federal united state. They were very embarrassed to learn that the drtaft constitution had been handed to Foncha for screening and studying long ago; but Foncha kept the Document secret.

The All Party Conference that held in Bamenda a month earlier had been the occasion to screen and debate the Ahidjo draft constitution. Mbile said: “ We have the feeling that we have waisted our time coming to Foumban for the draft to be tabled to us for our observations in this way. This is in total contradiction to our expectations; instead of a draft confederal constitution, we are being requested to make observations on a draft highly centralised constitution with unlimited powers; members of the CPNC delegation can now understand what Foncha meant when he said in the Akwa meeting hall in Douala on 13 July 1961: “the goals of the struggle have been completely achieved”.

Ngom Jua’s angry surprise seemed to indicate that even within the KNDP everybody was not aware of the handing of the draft constitution to Foncha. Bitter protests erupted from all round: the protesting Southern Cameroons delegation demanded that they should be given three more weeks to study the draft. They recalled the constitutional conferences of London in 1953, 1957, and 1958, each of them having lasted for at least three weeks.

Endeley warned: ”Too much haste would have far-reaching consequencies on the people of the Cameroons”.

Ngom Jua screamed: “I have never seen people expected to write a constitution in two days!”

The tense atmosphere of unhappiness and protests caused one journalist to write: “ political observers are wondering if it is really here in Foumban in this rowdy atmosphere that the guidelines of a federal constitution are going to be effectively drawn”.

Finally, just after the mid-day meal, the Southern Cameroons delegation sat down to work in studying the Ahidjo draft constitution. The atmosphere was kafkaienne: counting on their experience gained during the constitutional conferences in London and Lagos (Lugard, MacPherson, Littleton constitutions) the Southern Cameroons delegates worked really hard on the Draft brought to them from Yaounde. While they were working in anger, distrust and suspicion, the francophones were relaxing calmly as they had spent months to draft the constitution with the assistance of French experts in constitutional law.

The atmosphere of the workshop was often rowdy; from time to time delegates shouted in protest and in anger. According to Namasso Mbile, Foncha, feeling guilty for having deprived his colleagues of the opportunity to study the draft at the All Party Conference in Bamenda, adapted a low profile throughout the working session.

On Thursday night, the Southern Cameroons delegation handed the report of their work to the francophone side: the report contained amendments demanded by the Foncha delegation on the following points:

1. The Flag.
2. National Anthem.
3. Motto
4. Federal Capital to be in Douala.
5. Electoral maturity at 21.
6. Secret ballot.
7. Powers and attributions of the federal president.
8. Presidential mandates limited to two.
9. A federal assembly made up of a national assembly and a senate.
10. Double nationality.
11. Primary and Higher education system.
12. Cancellation of the word INDIVISIBLE from the constitution.

Unification

The next day, Friday, July 21, 1961, the last plenary session was opened by Ahidjo with fanfare and festivities as many traditional dance groups from all over Bamoun country had been converging at Njinka since dawn , and the festivities went on till 4pm.

At 4pm Foncha took the floor and congratulated everyone for the team spirit and fraternity that prevailed during the working session.
Endeley took the floor after Foncha and warmly thanked Sultan Seidou for the lavish welcome given to them and expressed his high satisfaction for the success of the work; he concluded as follows:
“Mr. President, we shall always be completely loyal to you whenever you should request our collaboration for the larger interests of Cameroon”.

At 4.30pm, Ahidjo took the floor to address the plenary session; he swiftly and rudely gave answers to the demands of the Southern Cameroons delegation for amendments to the draft constitution. A second shock awaited the Southern Cameroons delegation: Ahidjo, in a rather dictatorial manner, brushed aside all the demands tabled by the Southern Cameroons delegation.
He said: “The word indivisible will be cancelled, but a clause guaranteeing the integrity of the federation and preventing any possibility of secession shall be introduced. For lack of big financial means, there is no room for a bicameral parliament; the House of Chiefs will be maintained; Yaounde must remain the federal capital. -There is no room for double nationality; -The president and the vice-president shall be elected by universal suffrage. -While waiting for the setting up of new institutions, the functions of the federal president and federal vice-president shall be performed by the president of la republique du Cameroun and the prime minister of the Southern Cameroons”

The Foumban conference did not satisfy the prescription of UN GA Resolution 1608 (XV) of 21 April 1961, neither in form nor in substance.

SECTION 9

The Independence of La Republique du Cameroun du premier Janvier 1960

The United Nations, by UNGAR 1349 – XIV of 13 March 1959 decided to grant independence to le Territoire soustutelle l’ONU du Cameroun sous administration francaise on 1st January 1960. The Territory did achieve independence on 1st January 1960. The British permanent representative at the UN, Sir Andrew Cohen, represented Britain at the independence ceremony.

A Constitutional referendum was held on 12 February 1960. On 4 March 1960, the constitution as approved by the referendum was promulgated.
– On 10 April 1960, presidential elections took place: the president was elected by the Depute’s at the National Assembly. There could not be elections by universal suffrage because there was an insurrection ravaging the country. Ahidjo had only one opponent, Abel Eyinga, who was not residing in Cameroun but in Algeria as a lecturer in the Faculty of Law in Algiers and France.

– On 28 January 1960, the newly independent La Republique du Cameroun applied for UN membership.
– On 20 September 1960, by UNGA Resolution 1476 – XIV La Republique du Cameroun was granted UN membership.
– On 6 August 1961, the National Assembly amended the constitution of 4 March 1960 by 88 YES votes, zero NO votes, and 6 abstentions.
– On 1st September 1961, the amended constitution was promulgated as the federal constitution of the Federal Republic of Cameroon. This was done in total violation of the strict and specific prescriptions of the UNGA Resolution 1608 –XV of 21 April 1961 on the projected union between La Republic du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons as the outcome of the UN-sponsored plebiscite of 11 and 12 February 1961 in the British Cameroons. The federal constitution of 1st September 1961 was signed by the president of La Republique du Cameroun, Ahmadou Ahidjo, alone; never by John Ngu Foncha, the Prime Minister of the Southern Cameroons.

SECTION 10

La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons were not a Franco – British Condominium:

A condominium is a Latin word meaning a house jointly managed by two equal masters. So a condominium is a territory jointly ruled by two powers according to a treaty they signed in international law. Examples of condominiums are: the present island of St. Martin in the West Indies = Netherlands West Indies, Aruba – Bonaire – Curacao – Saba – St. Martin – St. Eustache. St. Martin is jointly ruled by France and The Netherlands. The New Hebrides (today Vanuatu) was a Franco – British condominium; it was a bilingual French – English condominium. But take note that a condominium is not necessarily a matter of languages: the language factor is incidental. So a condominium could be monolingual. What is important is its international legal status.

In the case of New Hebrides, four months before Britain and France granted independence, a senior citizen of the English Sector, Stephen Maleku, unilaterally proclaimed a separate independence for the English Sector. (He wanted the territory to achieve independence, then become a confederation of two states. As Stephen put Britain and France before a fait accompli, while Britain was still reflecting on the issue, France hurriedly sent 400 gendarmes from La Nouvelle – Caledonie, a nearby French colony, to occupy Port – Vila, the capital of New Hebrides and forcefully stopped Stephen’s move. Britain bitterly complained to France, saying that by opting unilaterally for a military solution for the condominium’s problem, France had instead complicated the situation as Moleku’s move for separate independence was based on the brutality of the French administration.

La Republique du Cameroun cannot even pass through a legal status of a condominium to annex the Southern Cameroons since such locus standi does not exist. La Republique du Cameroun has been arguing verbally and very emotionally on a non – existing condominium. The 1961 plebiscite and the fake bilingualism crudely imposed on both La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons do not make the two countries a condominium because condominium is a matter of international law.

And not that of Anglo-Saxon + Greco – Latin linguistics. La Republique du Cameroun has been brandishing its de facto bilingual condominium at home but at the same time brandishing itself as a monolingual francophone unitary state at the international level. On one hand La Republique du Cameroun is imposing a de facto Anglo – French condominium on two neighbouring former UN Trust Territories with separate Trusteeship Agreements, and on the other hand imposing a unitary state on an illegal defunct two-state federation. This is blatant dubious contradiction!

SECTION 11

The Administration of La Republique du Cameroun in the Southern Cameroons since 1st October 1961

According to La Republique du Cameroun, the constitutional amendment made on 6 August 1961 on la constitution de la Republique du Cameroun du premier janvier 1960, was meant to accommodate the Southern Cameroons as the western part of German Kamerun. We now know all about the German colony of Kamerun from the preceding legal analyses. The Constitutional Amendment of Yves Bie’ville, the French jurist who drafted the constitution of 4 March 1960, was a mockery of international law, the international community, and the United Nations. The amended constitution could in no way become a Treaty of Union in international law as prescribed by UNGAR 1608 (XV) of 21 April 1961.

On the grounds of the amended constitution, la Republique du Cameroun moved its troops and administration into the Southern Cameroons on 1st October 1961 and has since been ruling the Southern Cameroons in the same brutal manner in which France ruled its portion of the divided German Kamerun. The administration of la Republique du Cameroun in the Southern Cameroons is null and void ab initio: it is illegitimate and illegal. It is a civil – cum military administration. The cardinal legal principle, tantum appelatum, quantum revelatum, meaning that the judge of the Appeal Court cannot have the right in a civil matter to grant more than it was requested by the Magistrate Court.

The principle does not apply between the Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun because la Republique du Cameroun has no right to belittle the Southern Cameroons as its province, as if la Republique du Cameroun is the alter ego of the Southern Cameroons. This is because the international status of the Southern Cameroons under the League of Nations, then under the U.N.O., cannot be changed.

La Republique du Cameroun has no right to judge positively or negatively the results of the 1961 plebiscite and use that to annex the Southern Cameroons because nemo crime sine legi – there is no crime (offence) without a text of law which defines and punishes the incriminating act. So by voting, and voting YES in the plebiscite, the Southern Cameroons did not commit an offence punishable by La Republique du Cameroun by annexation as penal punishment.

La Republique du Cameroun has been benefiting enormously from the annexation of the Southern Cameroons in violation of the Latin legal principle nemo nudutur propriam turpitudi – nobody should benefit in any way whatsoever from a crime he has committed. La Republique du Cameroun has been arguing that the Southern Cameroons has no utis possedetis juris on 1st October 1961; that the Southern Cameroons was an empty piece of land that La Republique du Cameroun annexed to civilise and develop.

The argument has no legal basis because the Southern Cameroons had utis possedetis juris – international legal status publicly recognised. As a UN Trust Territory the Southern Cameroons had utis possedetis juris by the Mandate of the League of Nations, and by the UN Trusteeship Agreement.
In addition, the Southern Cameroons was jointly administered with the Eastern Region of Nigeria within the international legal framework of UNGA Resolution 224 – 111 on the Administrative Union between adjacent territories under the same Administering Authority. There is no modification of international boundaries between States by domestic or internal law. The constitution of a state being a fundamental internal law, la Republique du Cameroun cannot legally justify how it modified its international boundaries, as we have demonstrated earlier, with the Southern Cameroons for its own benefits.

The peoples of the Southern Cameroons, in their daily life, accept all acts of constitutional law, civil law, criminal law, and administrative law imposed on them by La Republique du Cameroun as Actes of bienseance, that means, Acts which one does not like, but toterates them in order to survive.

SECTION 12

The International Legal Status of the Southern Cameroons since 1st October 1961 to date

La Republique du Cameroun started to govern the Southern Cameroons from 1st October 1961 when the Treaty of Union had not yet been worked out as prescribed by UNGA Resolution 1608 –(XV) of 21 April 1961. The international legal situation in the Southern Cameroons on 1st October 1961 was that, without a Treaty of Union, the Southern Cameroons smoothly moved backwards from the status of a UN Trust Territory it had from 12 December 1946 till 1st October 1961, to the status of a UN Territory the Southern Cameroons had on 11 December 1946. In between the adoption of the UN Resolution 63 – 111 that created the UN Trusteeship Council, and subsequently appointed Britain as the Administering Authority for the Southern Cameroons, and the signing of the Trusteeship Agreement No Document A / 152 / REV2 for the Southern Cameroons between the UN and Britain on that same date 13 December 1946.

The formation of the UN Trusteeship Council having abrogated the Mandates System of the League of Nations of 1922 (and) the Trusteeship Agreement for the Southern Cameroons therefore replaced the Mandate Britain had on the Southern Cameroons from 1922 till 13 December 1946. The situation, simplified, is that on 1st October 1961, the Southern Cameroons had not been granted any independence, neither according to Article 47 paragraph B of the Charter of the United Nations, nor according to UNGA Resolution 1608 –(XV) in the 994th plenary session on 21 April 1961 which granted independence by joining whose international legal Treaty for the projected Union had not been worked out on the date fixed for independence (1st October 1961).

So, through a cool-minded legal analysis, one can understand that since 1st October 1961, La Republique du Cameroun has been forcefully occupying and governing a UN Territory. The difference between a UN Trust Territory and a UN Territory is that a UN Trust Territory is governed by an independent and sovereign State according to a contract or mandate signed between the country and the UN; whereas a UN Territory is directly governed by the UN through its permanent representative it appoints to the Territory. The UN representative should in no way be a native of that territory: He / she is called, the UN Administrator, governor. As the Administering Authority, the UN Administrator governs the territory in preparation for independence.

SECTION 13

The Way to Independence for the Southern Cameroons

1) The way to Independence for the Southern Cameroons is in the hands of the UN. The UN should follow the same path it took to grant independence to other UN territories. It must be noted that the Southern Cameroons is a particular UN Territory as it had been annexed by La Republique du Cameroun and France through an orthodox independence-by-joining that the UN granted the Southern Cameroons in 1961.

The Southern Cameroons today is in the same situation as the three Baltic States (Estonia – Lestonia – Lithuania). Let it be recalled that the latter three states were granted independence by the League of Nations, and the independence was later suppressed by the Soviet Union which then annexed them on the grounds that as small neighbouring states, it was their weakness that allowed the German troops to crush them very easily and then crossed their international boundary with the Soviet Union into St. Petersburg. But with Glassnok and perestroika brought by Mikail Gorbatchov, the latter states regained their lost independence through the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) and the UN.

2) Another way out for the Southern Cameroons is that the UN may simply implement the UNGA Resolution 1514 – (XIV) of 14 December 1960 on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Territories and Peoples.

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