Think about the global powerhouses today—America, Britain, and China. What do they all have in common? A powerful economy. But it’s not just about having wealth. It’s the way that economic strength powers everything else—military power, political influence, even cultural reach. Take America, for example. Its global dominance today is deeply rooted in its economic strength. The same could be said about Britain’s empire, which rose to the top because of the Industrial Revolution. Even China’s ascent can be traced back to its booming economy. The truth is that a nation’s economic health isn’t just about its GDP. It’s what gives a country the ability to shape its future and assert its power on the global stage.

Now, let’s bring it back to Southern Cameroon. The region’s struggle wasn’t just about politics—it was about survival. The French, alongside the government of Cameroon, actively worked to destroy Southern Cameroon’s economy so it couldn’t stand up politically. It’s like trying to kill a tree by cutting off its roots. When they dismantled key institutions like the Limbe deep-sea port and the Cameroon Bank, they didn’t just cripple the economy—they made sure that Southern Cameroon would have no way of challenging the central government’s control (Fanso, 1994, p. 41).

This isn’t some ancient strategy; it’s a tactic that’s been used throughout history. When you strip people of their economic power, you strip them of their ability to defend themselves. Without access to money, businesses, or basic infrastructure, they’re left helpless. Have you ever thought about how much your economic stability affects your freedom? When a community’s economic base is destroyed, its political voice is silenced. This was the case for Southern Cameroon. The battle wasn’t just fought in government offices—it was fought in boardrooms, in bank vaults, and at ports. The political struggle was, in many ways, a direct result of those who decided to dismantle the region’s economic power (Muna, 2001, p. 105).

By stripping away the very things that allowed Southern Cameroon to thrive—its industries, its banking system, its access to markets—the powers that be ensured the region had no leverage. Without money or infrastructure, there was no way for Southern Cameroon to push for independence, to fight for autonomy. In the end, the message was clear: without economic strength, political self-determination is just a dream.

A Flourishing Economy: Before Political Manipulation

Before the 1961 union with La République du Cameroun, Southern Cameroon was a thriving, self-sufficient region. Its economy was built on agriculture, with cocoa, coffee, and rubber as its major exports. Southern Cameroon wasn’t just surviving—it was thriving. Vital institutions like the Cameroon Bank helped foster local and cross-border trade, creating a robust, stable economy (Neba, 1999, p. 45).

The region also boasted impressive infrastructure, like the Limbe deep-sea port (formerly Victoria), Tiko Wharf, and Tiko International Airport, all crucial in connecting Southern Cameroon to global markets (Fanso, 1994, p. 32). Locally, industries were booming, particularly thanks to the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), which employed thousands and managed large plantations of bananas, palm oil, and rubber (Nyamnjoh, 2002, p. 58). This was a region of wealth, opportunity, and political autonomy, where local leaders fiercely protected their independence and self-rule (Kofele-Kale, 2007, p. 79).

The Systematic Economic Sabotage

But after the union, everything changed. Southern Cameroon’s economic landscape began to unravel as the newly formed central government—dominated by French-speaking elites—set out to strip the region of its autonomy. Resources that once fueled local prosperity were now seen as tools for central control, and Southern Cameroon’s economic independence was systematically crushed (Muna, 2001, p. 105).

One of the most blatant examples of this was the deliberate underuse of the Limbe deep-sea port, one of the deepest and most strategically important natural ports in West Africa. Despite its clear advantages, the port was left to rot. In a move that exposed the political motives at play, the government chose to reroute the Chad-Cameroon oil pipeline to Kribi, even though Limbe was far closer to the oil fields. This wasn’t an economic decision—it was a political one, designed to marginalize Southern Cameroon and siphon valuable resources away from the region (Fanso, 1994, p. 41). The decision led to the destruction of the equatorial forest and eliminated significant economic opportunities for Limbe.

Similarly, Tiko—a town once booming thanks to its strategic access to both maritime trade and air travel—watched as its key infrastructure, including the Tiko airport and wharf, crumbled. Meanwhile, the government poured investments into ports like Douala, located in the French-speaking region, while Southern Cameroon’s economic assets were deliberately neglected (Nyamnjoh, 2002, p. 62). These strategic choices didn’t just harm the region’s economy; they ensured that Southern Cameroon remained politically powerless and economically suffocated, unable to challenge the central government’s control. The deliberate economic neglect was a clear and effective way of tightening political control.

Destruction of Vital Institutions: A Region’s Foundation Undone

The dismantling of Southern Cameroon’s critical institutions dealt a blow that reverberates to this day. Consider the fate of the Cameroon Bank, a beacon of hope for countless local businesses. Its closure in the late 1980s severed access to credit for entrepreneurs who relied on it as their lifeline. With no financial support, small businesses collapsed, and the region’s economy spiralled downward (Fanso, 1994, p. 52).

The West Cameroon Marketing Board, once a stabilizer of agricultural prices and a lifeline for farmers, was also dismantled. Its removal left rural communities vulnerable to market fluctuations and predatory practices, plunging many into poverty (Muna, 2001, p. 112).

The Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), once a cornerstone of economic stability and a major employer in the region, was reduced to a shadow of its former self. Mismanagement and persistent labour strikes transformed thriving plantations of bananas, palm oil, and rubber into fields of lost potential. What was once a pillar of prosperity now teeters on the brink of collapse (Fanso, 1994, p. 65).

Then there was Powercam, the hydroelectric power station at Yoke Dam, which powered homes and industries alike. Its shutdown not only plunged the region into energy dependence on external sources but also symbolized a deliberate effort to erase Southern Cameroon’s industrial strength (Muna, 2001, p. 138). The coordinated dismantling of these institutions wasn’t just economic sabotage—it was a calculated move to cripple the region’s autonomy.

The Political Consequences: Autonomy Eroded

Economic destruction doesn’t just empty wallets; it silences voices. As Southern Cameroon’s wealth evaporated, so did its political clout. Once proud of their autonomy and ability to negotiate with international powers, Southern Cameroonians found themselves increasingly dependent on a central government that showed little regard for their interests.

Every shuttered factory, every dismantled institution, further tightened the grip of the central government. The collapse of local economic power left Southern Cameroon unable to resist political subjugation. What was once a region of self-reliance became one of dependence, unable to reclaim the autonomy it had fought so hard to preserve (Fanso, 1994, p. 78).

A Legacy of Neglect: The Impact Today

The scars of this economic sabotage are still visible today. Southern Cameroon, despite being rich in resources like oil, gas, and minerals, remains one of the poorest regions in the country. The Bakassi Peninsula, sitting atop vast oil reserves, epitomizes this paradox: immense wealth flows to the central government while the local population struggles in poverty (Muna, 2001, p. 150).

This economic disparity has fueled the ongoing Anglophone Crisis. For many, the fight isn’t just about political independence—it’s about reclaiming the resources that rightfully belong to them. Yet, the central government continues to siphon off the region’s wealth, keeping Southern Cameroonians locked in a cycle of economic dependency and political subjugation.

Reclaiming the Future: Economic Justice is Political Justice

The saying goes, “To kill a people politically, you have to kill them economically.” Southern Cameroon is a living testament to this grim reality. The deliberate dismantling of its institutions—from the Cameroon Bank to the Limbe deep-sea port—wasn’t an accident; it was a strategy designed to strip the region of its autonomy and power (Fanso, 1994, p. 65).

Rebuilding Southern Cameroon’s economic foundation is the key to restoring its political freedom. Without control over its resources and industries, the region will remain tethered to the chains of economic and political dependence. The international community, especially those who champion human rights and self-determination, must recognize that this struggle goes beyond politics.

The people of Southern Cameroon aren’t just fighting for independence—they’re fighting for the right to reclaim their wealth, rebuild their institutions, and determine their future. True justice for Southern Cameroon begins with addressing the economic injustices that have kept its people powerless for so long (Muna, 2001, p. 174).

References

Fanso, V. (1994). Cameroon: The Nation and Its Anglophone Minority. Cambridge University Press.
Muna, A. (2001). Southern Cameroons: Political Economy of Colonialism. Global Publishers.
Fanso, V. (1994). Cameroon: The Nation and Its Anglophone Minority. Cambridge University Press.
Kofele-Kale, N. (2007). The Cameroon Crisis: A Historical Overview of Southern Cameroon’s Economic Struggles. African Studies Journal, 30(3), 75–89.
Muna, A. (2001). Southern Cameroons: Political Economy of Colonialism. Global Publishers.
Neba, A. (1999). Economic Growth in Southern Cameroon: A Retrospective View. Africa Economic Review, 15(1), 42–50.
Nyamnjoh, F. (2002). The Politics of Economy in Cameroon: Post-Colonial Challenges. Presses Universitaires de Yaoundé.
Fanso, V. (1994). Cameroon: The Nation and Its Anglophone Minority. Cambridge University Press.
Muna, A. (2001). Southern Cameroons: Political Economy of Colonialism. Global Publishers.

Written by: Camillius Agbor Takang